Yes, I say these were but slaves who gave us the Declaration of Independence. They were but slaves who framed our Constitution, they were but slaves who combatted with the odds of life, amidst wars, devastation, and foreign aggressions to hold intact for us and for our children this home of ours.—S. D. Ferguson, Jr.
POLITICS.
We have hesitated long about undertaking this discussion of Liberian politics. We are almost certain to be misunderstood, no matter what we say or how we say it. In Liberia they will feel that we lack sympathy, that we drag forth their weaknesses and expose them to public scorn; in this country they will fail to see that the weak points of Liberian politics are common to all republics, that they are as flagrant among ourselves as in Liberia; in foreign lands—should our book be read in such—what we say will be taken as justification for continued aggression and interference. We wish that Liberia were a land of general education; that the whole population had a clear understanding of the duties of citizenship; that knowledge of public questions were general. Such conditions are ideal in a republic. We do not find them in Liberia; we do not find them here. Liberian politics is patterned on our own; its weaknesses are our weaknesses. It is easy for us to see its faults because we are an outside party; because we are rich and they are poor; because we are white and they are black. In Liberia there is a general desire to feed at the public trough; it makes no difference what a man is or what he has accomplished, every one is ready to go into politics; neither trade, agriculture, nor professional life restrains a man who has political opportunities presented to him; everybody of ability wants office. This is unfortunate; it is neither strange, unique, nor blameworthy. Every official, however, has a list of dependents; once in office, he must provide for others; the number of brothers, sons, nephews, and cousins of officials who find some clerkship or small appointment is relatively large. As almost every office in the Republic, save that of representatives and senators, is appointed by the President, it is very easy for one who holds office to practice nepotism. It is and will be a long time before anything like actual civil service can find a place in Liberia. Such a condition of course leads to little activity in the doing of work for the Government; the less a man can do to earn his salary, the better, so long as he is certain of his job. We have already called attention to the fact, quoting from Ellis, that there is relatively little of what we know as party politics in Liberia. Practically there are no well marked political platforms based on principles. If, perchance, hostility to the powers that be threatens to become dangerous, it may be checked by skilful appointment from the opposition to office. Thus, at the last election, which was the most bitterly fought for many years, it was claimed that the defeated candidate, J. J. Dossen, would never be heard of in politics again; such, however, was not the case; he must be provided for, in order that his later course might not threaten the existing status; being without a job, he received appointment to the presidency of Liberia College—a mere temporary arrangement of course; he is now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
There are, however, personal likes and dislikes which will vent themselves in outbursts of party spirit. The last election was really furious. It voiced the local jealousies of the whole Republic. Just as in the state of Illinois it is Chicago against the counties, and as in New York State it is the City of New York against the upstate districts: so, in Liberia, it is Monrovia against the counties. The election was really close after an exciting campaign. Charges of fraud were bitterly advanced. According to the African League, there were wild doings in Bassa County where it is printed. We refrain from really quoting the interesting and exciting passages from its article, but venture to give here its opening paragraphs:
“As the day of election approached, great preparations were made by the Government and the Government officials to defeat the National True Whig Party at any cost, and in any manner. They sent money in every direction to call unqualified nameless bushmen to come, and put into the hands of the Sheriff a paper which is worth only so much gin and rum to the bushmen. These bush people had never seen, nor heard of, the registrar’s office. Neither do they own any land in contemplation of law, but Howard people, simply because they have had the Government’s approval in this corruption, had planned to force the corruption into the polls.
The people who stand for law and order sent white plates to all the native chiefs, after the customs of the heathen, telling them to have nothing to do with the matter in which they are not concerned and know nothing about.
The Government people threatened that they would vote these bush people or die. The people knew what that meant, and they began to prepare for the worst, for they were determined that the law should not be trampled under foot in that way to their prejudice, and that, too, by those who are the administrators of the law. On Monday, the first of May, a host of these uncivilized bush people, headed by Major Horace, flocked into the upper ward of Buchanan, well armed with the best guns of the Government, and that night shooting in the streets was a common thing. Near Lower Buchanan, there were different bands of these wild, bush people in camp carrying on their savage plays. In Lower Buchanan at the Vai town, the hideous noise was kept up all night, apparently as a menace to the citizens for the next day.” On the following day the election took place throughout the Republic, resulting in the continuance in power of the interests which for so long had controlled the destinies of the nation; nine contested cases were lodged against the House of Representatives and one against the Senate; threats ran high, feeling was intense. It is certainly an interesting moment when more than half the membership of a house of Congress is in dispute. Yet this excitement was allayed, and the contests were all withdrawn; it was realized that Congress had important business before it in connection with the American Loan, and that the future of the Republic would be seriously jeopardized if the time of Congress were taken up with hearing contest cases instead of dealing with these outside matters.
There is no question that in Liberia illegal voting is common. The election to which we have referred above was that of 1911; in 1901 Bishop Ferguson issued a charge to his clergy and lay members upon the subject of election evils in which the following words occur: “The corruptions and wickedness that have attended the last three or four campaigns are startling to all right-minded people, and, if continued, no prophet is needed to foretell the disastrous consequences that will inevitably follow. Election frauds, open-handed bribery, and the utter disregard of all moral restraints seem to be the order of the day. Those who at other times are recognized as Christian gentlemen, do not scruple on these occasions to perpetrate offenses that are condemned both by God’s law and that of the state. To procure the election of a party man, they lose sight of, or completely disregard, their standing in the Church, in society, or the social circle; and will stoop to do the meanest act. What is worse than all, is the fact that the evils have become so rife that it appears there are not to be found innocent citizens enough to punish the guilty under the laws of the land. And now, to my mind, the worst feature of the thing is the fact that the aborigines—our brothers just emerging from the darkness of heathenism—are either coming voluntarily, sought out and persuaded, or actually forced into this whirl-pool of corruption and wickedness. It is enough to chill one’s blood to think of the impression made on their minds, on their induction into civilized usages at such time:—jostled through a crowd of men,—ruffians now, though at other times Christian gentlemen—armed with deadly weapons of every description, they are made to swear that they are constitutionally qualified for the highest privilege of citizenship under a republican form of government.”
Again in an Independence Day address given by Dr. Dingwall at Buchanan in 1910 were these words: “Ignorant and purchasable voters are ruinous to all other republics. Why not to ours likewise? At the polls the vote of a fool is counted one, and that one takes the whole of a philosopher’s to cancel it. Now in Liberia these are chiefly manufactured from the wild heathen, more than ninety-nine in a night. The privilege to take a few acres of land and register hundreds of nameless natives, or on election day to vote each hour the identical bushman, by simply christening him afresh for each occasion, is a dangerous weapon in the hands of politicians. This practice would have destroyed democracy, were these leaders even honest in purpose and patriotic in spirit.”