SHIPS OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. (From the Bayeux Tapestry.)

The Conqueror soon added to the security of the country by the establishment of the Cinque Ports, which, as their title denotes, were at first five, but were afterwards increased in number so as to include the following seaports:—Dover, Sandwich, Hythe, and Romsey, in Kent; and Rye, Winchelsea, Hastings, and Seaford, in Sussex. On their first establishment they were to provide fifty-two ships, with twenty-four men on each, for fifteen days each year, in case of emergency. In return they had many privileges, a part of which are enjoyed by them to-day. Their freemen were styled barons; each of the ports returned two members of Parliament. An officer was appointed over them, who was “Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports,” and also Constable of Dover Castle.

“For more than a hundred years after the Conquest,” says the writer just quoted, “England’s ships had rarely ventured beyond the Bay of Biscay on the one hand, and the entrance to the Baltic on the other; and there is no special record of long voyages by English ships until the time of the Crusades; which, whatever they might have done for the cause of the Cross, undoubtedly gave the first impetus to the shipping of the country. The number of rich and powerful princes and nobles who embarked their fortunes in these extraordinary expeditions offered the chance of lucrative employment to any nation which could supply the requisite amount of tonnage, and English shipowners very naturally made great exertions to reap a share of the gains.” One of the first English noblemen who fitted out an expedition to the Holy Land was the Earl of Essex; and twelve years afterwards, Richard Cœur de Lion, on ascending the throne, made vast levies on the people for the same object, joining Philip II. and other princes for the purpose of raising the Cross above the Crescent. Towards the close of 1189 two fleets had been collected, one at Dover, to convey Richard and his followers (among whom were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Salisbury, and the Lord Chief Justice of England) across the Channel, and a second and still larger fleet at Dartmouth, composed of numbers of vessels from Aquitaine, Brittany, Normandy, and Poitou, for the conveyance of the great bulk of the Crusaders, to join Richard at Marseilles, whither he had gone overland with the French king and his other allies. The Dartmouth fleet, under the command of Richard de Camville and Robert de Sabloil, set sail about the end of April, 1190. It had a disastrous voyage, but at length reached Lisbon, where the Crusaders behaved so badly, and committed so many outrages, that 700 were locked up. After some delay, they sailed up the Mediterranean, reaching Marseilles, where they had to stop some time to repair their unseaworthy ships, and then followed the king to the Straits of [pg 268]Messina, where the fleets combined. It was not till seven months later that the fleet got under weigh for the Holy Land. It numbered 100 ships of larger kind, and fourteen smaller vessels called “busses.” Each of the former carried, besides her crew of fifteen sailors, forty soldiers, forty horses, and provisions for a twelvemonth. Vinisauf, who makes the fleet much larger, mentions that it proceeded in the following order:—three large ships formed the van; the second line consisted of thirteen vessels, the lines expanding to the seventh, which consisted of sixty vessels, and immediately preceded the king and his ships. On their way they fell in with a very large ship belonging to the Saracens, manned by 1,500 men, and after a desperate engagement took her. Richard ordered that all but 200 of those not killed in the action should be thrown overboard, and thus 1,300 infidels were sacrificed at one blow. Off Etna, Sicily, they experienced a terrific gale, and the crew got “sea-sick and frightened;” and off the island of Cyprus they were assailed by another storm, in which three ships were lost, and the Vice-Chancellor of England was drowned, his body being washed ashore with the Great Seal of England hanging round his neck. Richard did not return to England till after the capture of Acre, and the truce with Saladin; he landed at Sandwich, as nearly as may be, four years from the date of his start. As this is neither a history of England, nor of the Crusades, excepting only as either are connected with the sea, we must pass on to a subject of some importance, which was the direct result of experience gained at this period.

CRUSADERS AND SARACENS.

The foundation of a maritime code, by an ordinance of Richard Cœur de Lion, a most important step in the history of merchant shipping, was due to the knowledge acquired by English pilgrims, traders, and seamen at the time of the Crusades. The first code was founded on a similar set of rules then existing in France, known as the Rôles d’Oleron, and some of the articles show how loose had been the conditions of the sailor’s life previously. The first article gave a master power to pledge the tackle of a ship, if in want of provisions for the crew, but forbad the sale of the hull without the owner’s permission. The captain’s position, as lord paramount on board, was defined; no one, not even part-owners or super-cargoes, must interfere; he was expected to understand thoroughly the art of navigation. The second article declared that if a vessel was held in port through failure of wind or stress of weather, the ship’s company should be guided [pg 270]as to the best course to adopt by the opinion of the majority. Two succeeding articles related to wrecks and salvage. The fifth article provided that no sailor in port should leave the vessel without the master’s consent; if he did so, and any harm resulted to the ship or cargo, he should be punished with a year’s imprisonment, on bread and water. He might also be flogged. If he deserted altogether and was retaken, he might be branded on the face with a red-hot iron, although allowance was made for such as ran away from their ships through ill-usage. Sailors could also be compensated for unjust discharge without cause. Succeeding clauses refer to the moral conduct of the sailor, forbidding drunkenness, fighting, &c. Article 12 provided that if any mariner should give the lie to another at a table where there was wine and bread, he should be fined four deniers; and the master himself offending in the same way should be liable to a double fine. If any sailor should impudently contradict the mate, he might be fined eight deniers; and if the master struck him with his fist or open hand he was required to bear the stroke, but if struck more than once he was entitled to defend himself. If the sailor committed the first assault he was to be fined 100 sous, or else his hand was to be chopped off. The master was required by another rule not to give his crew cause for mutiny, nor call them names, nor wrong them, nor “keep anything from them that is theirs, but to use them well, and pay them honestly what is their due.” Another clause provided that the sailor might always have the option of going on shares or wages, and the master was to put the matter fairly before them. The 17th clause related to food. The hardy sailors of Brittany were to have only one meal a day from the kitchen, while the lucky ones of Normandy were to have two. When the ship arrived at a wine country the master was bound to provide the crew with wine. Sailors were elsewhere forbidden to take “royal” fish, such as the sturgeon, salmon, turbot, and sea-barbel, or to take on their own account fish which yield oil. These are a part only of the clauses; many others referring to matters connected with rigging, masts, anchorages, pilotage, and other technical points. In bad pilotage the navigator who brought mishap on the ship was liable to lose his head. The general tenor of the first code is excellent, and the rules were laid down with an evident spirit of fairness alike to the owner and sailor.

The subject of “Letters of Marque” might occupy an entire volume, and will recur again in these pages; They were in reality nothing more than privileges granted for purposes of retaliation-legalised piracy. They were first issued by Edward I., and the very first related to an outrage committed by Portuguese on an English subject. A merchant of Bayonne, at the time a port belonging to England, in Gascony, had shipped a cargo of fruit from Malaga, which, on its voyage along the coast of Portugal, was seized and carried into Lisbon by an armed cruiser belonging to that country, then at peace with England. The King of Portugal, who had received one-tenth part of the cargo, declined to restore the ship or lading, whereupon the owner and his heirs received a licence, to remain in force five years, to seize the property of the Portuguese, and especially that of the inhabitants of Lisbon, to the extent of the loss sustained, the expenses of recovery being allowed. How far the merchant of Bayonne recouped himself, history sayeth not.

A little later a most important mercantile trade came into existence—that in coal. From archæological remains and discoveries it is certain that the Romans excavated coal [pg 271]during their reign on this island; but it was not till the reign of Edward III. that the first opening of the great Newcastle coal-fields took place, although as early as 1253 there was a lane at the back of Newgate called “Sea-coal Lane.” As in many other instances, even in our own days, the value of the discovery seems to have been more appreciated by foreigners than by the people of this country, and for a considerable time after it had been found, the combustion of coal was considered to be so unhealthy that a royal edict forbad its use in the city of London, while the queen resided there, in case it might prove “pernicious to her health.” At the same time, while England laid her veto on the use of that very article which has since made her, or helped to make her, the most famous commercial nation of the world, France sent her ships laden with corn to Newcastle, carrying back coal in return, her merchants being the first to supply this new great article of commerce to foreign countries. In the reign of Henry V. the trade had become of such importance that a special Act was passed providing for the admeasurement of ships and barges employed in the coal trade.

King John stoutly claimed for England the sovereignty of the sea—he was not always so firm and decided—and decreed that all foreign ships, the masters of which should refuse to strike their colours to the British flag, should be seized and deemed good and lawful prizes. This monarch is stated to have fitted out no less than 500 ships, under the Earl of Salisbury, in the year 1213, against a fleet of ships three times that number, organised by Philip of France, for the invasion of England. After a stubborn battle, the English were successful, taking 300 sail, and driving more than 100 ashore, Philip being under the necessity of destroying the remainder to prevent them falling into the hands of their enemies. Some notion may be gained of the kinds of ships of which these fleets were composed, by the account that is narrated of an action fought in the following reign with the French, who, with eighty “stout ships,” threatened the coast of Kent. This fleet being discovered by Hubert de Burgh, governor of Dover Castle, he put to sea with half the number of English vessels, and having got to the windward of the enemy, and run down many of the smaller ships, he closed with the rest, and threw on board them a quantity of quick-lime—a novel expedient in warfare—which so blinded the crews that their vessels were either captured or sunk. The dominion of the sea was bravely maintained by our Edwards and Henrys in many glorious sea-fights. The temper of the times is strongly exemplified by the following circumstance. In the reign of Edward I. an English sailor was killed in a Norman port, in consequence of which war was declared by England against France, and the two nations agreed to decide the dispute on a certain day, with the whole of their respective naval forces. The spot of battle was to be the middle of the Channel, marked out by anchoring there an empty ship. This strange duel of nations actually took place, for the two fleets met on April 14th, 1293, when the English obtained the victory, and carried off in triumph 250 vessels from the enemy. In an action off the harbour of Sluys with the French fleet, Edward III. is said to have slain 30,000 of the enemy, and to have taken 200 large ships, “in one of which only, there were 400 dead bodies.” The same monarch, at the siege of Calais, is stated to have blockaded that port with 730 sail, having on board 14,956 mariners. The size of the vessels employed must have been rapidly enlarging.