To Herat and Cabul: A Story of the First Afghan War

by G. A. Henty

Once on his way Angus felt new life in his veins, and in a week he had entirely shaken off the feeling of lassitude that had oppressed him in the poisoned air of Herat, and felt equal to any ordinary exertion. As he had expected, he met with no difficulties whatever on his way, for on the road between Herat and Candahar the Afghans were accustomed to see Persian traders passing, and no suspicion whatever was felt that Angus and his attendant were other than they represented themselves to be. The journey was a long one, but Angus did not hurry. It was pleasant to him, after being for a year cooped up in the besieged city, to travel quietly in the fresh mountain air. The scenery was all new to him, and though Azim felt the cold a good deal, Angus enjoyed it immensely. He made short stages, and never exceeded twenty miles a day, and often, when he arrived at a village which offered fair accommodation, he was content to stay when only fourteen or fifteen had been traversed. As this was the great high-road of trade there were khans in almost every village, and there was no difficulty in purchasing the necessaries of life. Everywhere the talk was of war.

Once beyond the territory over which Shah Mahomed ruled, the news that the Persians had failed to take Herat and had retired had excited regret. It had been regarded as certain that the place would fall, and all had anticipated the march of a Persian and Russian army to Candahar, to be followed by a grand invasion of India. The mountaineers had felt sure that the army would gladly pay whatever was demanded for permission to pass unmolested; that they would be ready to pay high prices for provisions and the hire of transport animals, so that they would enrich themselves in the first place, and then have a chance of sharing in the plunder of India, and the destruction of the infidels. Angus was appealed to by all with whom he conversed to explain how it was that the Shah with his great army had failed to take Herat. He was eagerly questioned, too, with regard to Russia, a country of which they had heard many strange rumours. Were they very strong? were they really in alliance with Persia? were they infidels? if so, how was it that the Shah was friendly with them?

To the first of these questions Angus could only reply that, not having been in the Persian camp, he was unable to give them information. There were certainly Russian generals and officers leading the Persians at the siege of Herat. They were infidels, and neighbours of the Persians. For himself, he thought that while no doubt the Shah wished to be at peace with such powerful neighbours, he would be wise not to trust them very far. He could not really wish for them to become more powerful, and if they aided him, it could only be for their own objects. As a peaceful man he himself only desired to trade, and left these matters to wiser heads. But at the same time he knew that Russia was constantly extending its dominions at the expense of its neighbours; and that, as it was a Christian country, it certainly could not be thinking of invading India for the benefit of the Mohammedans of that country, or those of Afghanistan—certainly not those of Persia. Whatever the Shah and the military officers might think, the trading classes were uneasy at the influence that Russia was gaining, and apprehensive of the growing power and proximity of a neighbour possessed of such immense forces, and of ambitious views.

Two months after leaving Herat Angus entered Candahar. The journey had been wholly without any incident of importance. The appearance of Candahar somewhat resembled that of Herat. Situated in a fertile plain, with a range of craggy hills at no great distance, and surrounded by a wall, it was incapable of offering any prolonged resistance to the attack of a European force provided with siege artillery. The town was a comparatively modern one, being founded in 1754 on the site of an ancient city. It was built on a regular plan, the streets all crossing each other at right angles. Like Herat, it had four principal streets meeting in the centre, each of these 150 feet wide, and lined with shops. Streams of water ran down almost every street.

The town made a very favourable impression on Angus after the ruin and dirt of Herat. As a Persian he felt at home here, for Persian inscriptions and names met his eye everywhere, as throughout Afghanistan the whole of the trade is carried on by Persians or by natives of India, the Afghans themselves deeming the profession of arms the only one honourable. The upper classes among them all habitually spoke Persian; which language was generally employed in writing and in all official communications. Angus put up at a khan which he learned was frequented by traders passing through the city, and soon made the acquaintance of several merchants lodging there. From them he learned much more of the state of affairs than he had gathered in the Afghan villages he had passed through on the journey. The English were, it was said, gathering a great army in Scinde with the intention of placing Shah Soojah on the throne of Afghanistan instead of Dost Mahomed.

Of all the blunders that have been committed from the time of our first arrival in India, none is comparable, in point of injustice, hopeless blundering, or misfortune, to the policy thus inaugurated in Afghanistan. Shah Soojah was the head of the Dooranee tribe, and had been overthrown by the Barukzyes, who had gradually attained a power which the Dooranee monarch was unable to withstand. The four princes of that tribe divided the kingdom between themselves, and after waging many wars against each other Dost Mahomed, the youngest of the four brothers, became ruler of Cabul. During these wars Peshawur had been captured by the great Sikh ruler, Runjeet Sing. In 1834 Shah Soojah made an effort to recover his kingdom, but was defeated, and again became a fugitive in British India.

Dost Mahomed, alarmed at the preparations made by the Sikhs for still further dismembering his country, and by the fact that his two brothers, who were Lords of Candahar, might at any moment take advantage of his troubles with the Sikhs to throw off his authority altogether, was anxious to enter into an alliance with the British, all the more so as he had learned of the ever-increasing influence of Russia in Persia. Lord Auckland sent Captain Burnes to Cabul; nominally his purpose was to arrange for a larger commercial intercourse between the two countries. He was received with great honour in Cabul, but he had come altogether unprovided with the customary presents, and Dost Mahomed reasonably felt this as a studied slight. Nevertheless he exerted himself to the utmost to obtain the alliance of the British. But Burnes had no authority whatever to treat with him, and could give him no assurances that aid would be forthcoming if, on the fall of Herat, which was considered certain, the Persians and Russians, aided by the Candahar chiefs, who were known to be in correspondence with them, were to invade his territory. Nor could he obtain any promise that the British would use their influence with Runjeet Sing to restore Peshawur.

Burnes saw how sincere was the desire of the Ameer for a close friendship with England, and wrote strongly to Lord Auckland in favour of an alliance with him. He pointed out that Dost Mahomed was firmly seated at Cabul, where he had reigned for ten years, that Shah Soojah had no adherents, and even if placed on the throne could not maintain himself there. Colonel Pottinger, the resident in Scinde, also gave the same advice, but Lord Auckland paid no attention whatever to their representations. A weak man, he was guided chiefly by Mr. Macnaghten, his secretary, a comparatively young man, with great ambition and an unbounded belief in himself, but, as events proved, with few of the qualities required in a man placed in a highly responsible and difficult position in India. Burnes was instructed to insist upon the Ameer's binding himself to make no alliances whatever without the consent of England, and at the same time he was to refuse to give any pledges in return for such a concession.

A more preposterous demand was never made upon an independent sovereign. For a long time the Ameer strove in vain to obtain some sort of conditions, and at length, finding this hopeless, he threw himself into the arms of the Russian agent, whom he had hitherto treated with great coldness. Burnes's position became intolerable, and he was recalled; and Lord Auckland at once prepared to place Shah Soojah on the throne by force. Runjeet Sing was asked to join in the undertaking, and at a great durbar held in the Punjaub, the conditions were arranged, under which Shah Soojah was to pay a large amount to Runjeet as well as to the British for the aid they were to give him. As if it was not enough to have united all Afghanistan against us, the people of Scinde, who had hitherto been on good terms with us, were treated as if they were enemies. They were ordered to furnish provisions and carriage for the army, and to pay large sums of money, although they had, by the terms of a treaty with us, been guaranteed against any claim whatever for money or services. It would seem, indeed, that Lord Auckland and Mr. Macnaghten had neglected no step whatever that could ensure the failure of their enterprise. When, after the war, the papers relating to the policy that had occasioned it were published in the form of a blue-book, it is significant that the passages in the letters of Burnes and Pottinger remonstrating against the course proposed by Lord Auckland were suppressed, dishonesty being thus added to the terrible blunders of the weakest and most obstinate of the governor-generals of India—blunders that caused not only the utter destruction of a British army, but led to an almost equally unjust war for the conquest of Scinde.