This incident filled Sir John with alarm as to what might have happened, “had these Mad fellows executed their fury according to their Intentions either in Murdring the Consul or pulling down His house.” Even in normal times the mutual animosities of the Franks exposed them to rapine on the part of the Turks; in time of war, and under a government like Kara Mustafa’s, such animosities might lead to utter ruin; and the English, whose property in Turkey was twenty times greater than that of the French, would suffer in proportion: “where most mony is, the most will be extorted even in a Parity of Crime.” Prompted by these considerations, Sir John took a step never before taken in Turkey: he invited the French Ambassador to a frank and free discussion of a situation which was disagreeable for the present and might in the future prove extremely dangerous. The result was as pleasing an example of sweet reasonableness as is to be found in the whole domain of Anglo-French diplomacy. The two ambassadors, after recalling to each other’s mind what quarrels of this nature had cost in the past (the Cancellarias of both Embassies abounded with cases in point)—“when sometimes one Nation, sometimes the other sufferd’ highest under Avanias that arose from thence; though in the Conclusion neither scapd’ without severe payments,”—agreed, if war broke out between their Governments in Europe, to continue living in Turkey “with all the same Circumstances of Civility and formality as also respects towards each other; as if there was no Warr: That by our Example the Factory’s under us might practise the same.” Further, “considering that Example without Precept is little, as Precept without Example is lesse,” they agreed to send to their respective Consuls and Factories orders couched in identical terms, requiring them to conform unswervingly to the line of conduct pursued by the Ambassadors themselves.[218]
So unprecedented an action, taken by the Ambassador on his own initiative, needed justification; and Sir John, in reporting it to Whitehall, explains his motives at length, adding that, when all the circumstances are weighed, he has reason to hope that the King will be pleased to think that what he has done is “for His Majesty’s Honour, and for the Interest of His Subjects.” As a matter of fact, there was every reason to believe (and both Finch and Nointel must have known it) that Charles, in his heart, had no desire to fall out with France; and in due course Sir John received His Majesty’s approval. But long before that approval reached him all danger of war had blown over. The English Parliament, while urging Charles to fight Louis, refused him the means of doing so, for fear lest the arms placed in his hands for the humiliation of France should be turned against the liberties of England. The only practical fruit of the agitation was an interdiction of trade with our rival. And so Louis, profiting by England’s neutrality, made a peace (Treaty of Nimeguen, 1678) which put the coping-stone on his power.
After this little ferment Sir John relapsed into his rôle of chronicler. At the beginning of summer a German Internuncio, Hoffmann, arrived from Vienna, with a new Imperial Resident, Sattler. Whereupon the old Resident, Kindsberg, broke up his household, took leave of his colleagues, and set out, with the newcomers, for the Vizir’s camp. But they had scarcely gone three days when an express command from Kara Mustafa obliged them to return to Constantinople and stay there till further orders. Kara Mustafa had his reasons for postponing an interview: the Internuncio’s business was to renew the truce between the Ottoman and the German Empires, which was about to expire, and Kara Mustafa wanted to see how the Polish Treaty was observed and how the Russian campaign went, before he committed himself to peace or war with Germany. The consequences were ghastly for the Caesarean diplomats: Sattler died of the plague, Hoffmann was seized with an apoplexy which paralysed him, Kindsberg, after losing his brother and a number of his attendants through the plague, himself fell victim either to the disease or to poison. The plague also carried off the Venetian Bailo’s chief Dragoman and Treasurer. Sir John, however, in his summer resort at St. Demetrius, was safe from the terrible epidemic. As for that other pest, he reckoned that, what with Muscovy and Germany, the Vizir was certain to be away for two years at least, and his reckonings seemed confirmed by a reported resolution of the Grand Signor’s to build a palace on the Danube—“a sign there’s no quick Dispatch expected either with the Muscovite or the Emperour. So that during the short remainder of my Time, I have now a Probable prospect of Quietnesse and a Calm, which I have not enjoyd hitherto One Moment Since my Arrivall.” He could now take a dispassionate, even an amused, view of his past calamities and cap Latin verses thereon with the Secretary of State, sending him, in return for a line out of a Comedian, two out of a Tragedian.[219]
But alas for the futility of human calculations! In the very midst of his self-gratulation, Sir John received the news “that Zechrin is taken by storm, And that the Triumphant Visir will return hither this winter. When that Lion comes, if successe don’t make Him milder, the contrary of which is to be feard, God direct me.”[220]
FOOTNOTES:
[208] Sir Peter Wyche to Lord Conway, Constantinople, July 26/Aug. 5, 1628, S.P. Turkey, 14. The occasion for this apophthegm was supplied by another predatory Pasha of Aleppo.
[209] Finch to Coventry, March 1-11, April 12-22, May 14-24, 1678, Coventry Papers.
[210] Life of Dudley North, pp. 60-1, 107.
[211] Finch to Coventry, March 1-11, May 14-24, 1678.