Mary of Burgundy; or, The Revolt of Ghent

by G. P. R. James

At the same time, there was something in the demeanour of the young citizen that surprised him. As men of shrewd but mean minds sometimes are, in their estimation of nobler characters, he was generally right in his appreciation of Albert Maurice, and usually perceived the great object that the President was likely to seek in any particular contingency, without, however, at all comprehending the inferior means he would employ to accomplish his purpose. So much the contrary, indeed, that after having judged correctly of the ultimate design, he would often become puzzled and doubtful in regard to the accuracy of his judgment even on that point, because the course pursued by the young citizen was almost always totally different from the method which he himself would have followed in order to arrive at the same object, and totally opposed to all the axioms of his own meaner policy.

Thus, in the present instance, he had sought the town-hall so early, under the perfect conviction that the President of Ghent would attempt to liberate the man who had before given him his freedom; believing, at the same time, that the consciousness of such a purpose would cause the aspiring citizen to avoid the subject, or to speak darkly upon his own views. But the bold and proud manner in which Albert Maurice rebuked his assumption of power in the town prison, and spoke of the immediate examination of the prisoner, shook his conviction, and almost made him believe that the same stern and uncompromising policy, which had been pursued towards Hugonet and Imbercourt would be followed throughout, without regard to any other feeling than selfish ambition.

The scenes which he soon witnessed tended to confirm this opinion; and led him, however falsely, to believe that Albert Maurice forgot every gentler and nobler feeling, every generous tie and private affection, in the overpowering impulse of an aspiring heart. Scarcely had the order proceeded from the lips of the young citizen to inspect the condition of the prisoner, ere two or three members of the states entered the hall. Several others followed within a very short interval; and as soon as Albert Maurice perceived that a sufficient number were assembled to justify the discussion of important matters, he declared the appointed hour fully arrived, called them to consultation, and at once boldly proposed that a decree of banishment--drawn up in the name of the states general of Flanders, though not ten members of that body were present, and those wholly devoted to his own views--should be issued against the Lord of Ravestein and the Dowager Duchess of Burgundy, as parties to the plot for subjecting the country to the sway of France.

So bold a measure was not, of course, without an object of deep moment to him who proposed it; but, when it is remembered, that Ravestein and Margaret of York were the only influential members of what was called in Ghent the French party, who now remained with the princess, his motives will be clear enough; for it was that party only which Albert Maurice feared. The Duke of Gueldres, though dangerous from the popularity he had suddenly acquired, the young citizen thought himself strong enough to overthrow when he pleased, supported, as he was sure of being in such a case, by the Duke of Cleves, and by the manifest abhorrence which the princess displayed towards the brutal aspirant to her hand; and the Duke of Cleves himself, the President felt sure, was too weak to succeed without his aid. Thus the French party was the only obstacle to his views that he really dreaded; but still, the measure he counselled was too bold to pass without some debate.

It was carried, however, at length, before any one arrived who had sufficient influence to oppose it with vigour; and the order for the instant removal of the Dowager Duchess and the Lord of Ravestein was sent at once to the palace, enforced by a large body of the burgher guard.

Gradually the assembly increased, till about forty persons were gathered round the council table, while a number of others, unentitled to a seat amongst the deliberative body, filled the vacant places of the hall, by the favour of the President's adherents. He himself was, perhaps, not unaware that a multitude of voices, ready to applaud his words, were collected around him; for the noblest, ay, and the proudest heart will bend servilely to the senseless shout it despises, when once it has bound itself as a serf in the golden collar of ambition. At length, after casting his eye around, to see who were the members of the states assembled, Albert Maurice rose to speak; but as he did so, the trampling of horse coming at a rapid rate, and loud shouts of "Long live the Duke of Gueldres! Health to the noble Duke and the fair princess! Long life to Ghent and the Duke of Gueldres!" were heard rising from the square below; and the young citizen again sat down, with a contracted brow and quivering lip.

In a few moments the Duke of Gueldres entered the hall, and took his seat on the right of the President, who knew the informal constitution of their whole assembly too well, to object to that noble's intrusion on their councils. But the young citizen rose again immediately himself, and at once addressed the states, as they termed themselves, in a speech full of fire and energy. He pointed out that the time was now come, when active and combined exertion throughout the whole land was necessary to save it from the usurpation of France, when not only the safety, but the very existence of the country required the energy of every individual to be employed, without a moment's delay, for the benefit of the whole; and he touched eloquently upon the necessity of laying aside all private jealousies, disputes, and feuds, in order to concentrate all efforts to check the rapid progress of the French monarch. Of many dangers, he said, it was of course necessary to meet that which was most imminent, and no one would doubt for a moment that the usurping and successful arms of France presented the peril they had most to dread. Severe measures had been pursued, he said, to show the timid and the traitor that they could not betray their country with impunity; and it became the states of Flanders and Brabant, even as a consequence of many of their late acts, to prove to their countrymen that they could and would protect the honest and the patriotic, as well as punish the guilty and the disloyal. It was time, he added to lay aside all differences of opinion, to forget individual interests and passions, to cast away every thought but patriotism, and calling forth the whole intelligence and the whole strength of the state, to join heart and hand, and mind and energy, in defence of their violated rights and their insulted country.

He spoke with the most powerful oratory, and he spoke true; but he did not remember that the oil of smooth words will never allay the raging waves of faction, even though the storm of anarchy threaten to wreck the state itself. Had he looked into his own heart, indeed, and seen that, though he was now anxious to repel the common enemy, yet it was but in order to seize one quiet moment to overthrow his rivals, he would have learned the secret of every bosom around him, and found that selfish ambition was the whole.

In the midst of his speech, however, while, in the very vehemence of declamation, he was inveighing against France, and was about to proceed, from the general terms which he had been using, to a clear and minute view of the state of the land, and the measures immediately necessary for its defence, one of the deputies from some inferior town, who believed the moment for distinguishing his own small knowledge and talents was arrived, rose, and boldly cut across the President's speech, exclaiming, "Perhaps the noble President does not know the unhappy news----"

"I know all!" thundered Albert Maurice, his eyes lightening with indignation at the interruption. "God of Heaven! wherefore do I hold the station that I do, if it be not to learn, and know, and investigate all that may concern the interest of the state? Do I not know that Arras has fallen? that Tournay is now in the hands of the enemy?--that Hesdin, and Boulogne, and Bethune are taken?--that Oudard has been murdered?--that Descordes is false?--that Vergy lies in chains? Do I not know that the duchy of Burgundy is invaded; that Franche-Compte is overrun; and that the troops of Louis are advancing to the gates of Ghent? What is it that I do not know, that any one should dare to interrupt me? Let me tell the deputy who has just sat down, that, if he had all the miserable catalogue of the woes and dangers of his country, from the first infraction of her frontiers, to the last base, or mean, or murderous act of her great enemy, so much by heart as I have, he would turn every thought of his mind to find means of meeting the perils that menace us, rather than break through the order of this assembly by speaking before he has heard."