While many bizarre speculations on the subject of transformism had been hazarded in centuries prior to the nineteenth, the history of this conception, as a scientific hypothesis, dates from the publication of Lamarck’s “Philosophie Zoologique” in 1809. According to Lamarck, organic species are changed as a result of the indirect influence of the external conditions of life. A change in environment forces a change of habit on the part of the animal. A change in the animal’s habits results in adaptation, that is, in the development or suppression of organs through use or disuse. The adaptation, therefore, thus acquired was not directly imposed by the environment, but only indirectly—that is, through the mediation of habit. Once acquired by the individual animal, however, the adaptation was, so Lamarck thought, taken up by the process of inheritance and perpetuated by being transmitted to the animal’s offspring. The net result would be a progressive differentiation of species due to this indirect influence of a varying environment.

Such was the theory of Lamarck, and it is sound and plausible in all respects save one, namely, the unwarranted assumption that acquired adaptations are inheritable, since these, to quote the words of the Harvard zoölogist, G. H. Parker, “are as a matter of fact just the class of changes in favor of the inheritance of which there is the least evidence.” (“Biology and Social Problems,” 1914, p. 103.)

The next contribution to the philosophy of transformism was made by Charles Darwin, when, in the year 1859, he published his celebrated “Origin of Species.” In this work, the English naturalist bases the evolution of organic species upon the assumed spontaneous tendency of organisms to vary minutely from their normal type in every possible direction. This spontaneous variability gives rise to slight variations, some of which are advantageous, others disadvantageous to the organism. The enormous fecundity of organisms multiplies them in excess of the available food supply, and more, accordingly, are born than can possibly survive. In the ensuing competition or struggle for existence, individuals favorably modified survive and propagate their kind, those unfavorably modified perish without progeny. This process of elimination Darwin termed natural selection. Only individuals favored by it were privileged to propagate their kind, and thus it happened that these minute variations of a useful character were seized upon and perpetuated “by the strong principle of inheritance.” In this way, these slight but useful modifications would tend gradually to accumulate from generation to generation in the direction favored by “natural selection,” until, by the ensuing summation of innumerable minor differences verging in the same direction, a major difference would be produced. The end-result would be a progressive divergence of posterity from the common ancestral type, whence they originally sprang, ending in a multiplicity of new forms or species, all differing to a greater or lesser extent from the primitive type. The contrary hypothesis of a possible convergence of two originally diverse types towards eventual similarity Darwin rejected as an extremely improbable explanation of the observed resemblance of organic forms, which, not without reason, he thought it more credible to ascribe to their assumed divergence from a common ancestral type.

Such was the scheme of evolution elaborated by Charles Darwin. His hypothesis leaves the origin of variations an unsolved mystery. It assumes what has never been proved, namely, the efficacy of “natural selection.” It rests on what has been definitely disproved by factual evidence, namely, the inheritability of the slight variations, now called fluctuations, which, not being transmitted even, by the hereditary process, cannot possibly accumulate from generation to generation, as Darwin imagined. Moreover, fluctuations owe their origin to variability in the external conditions of life (e.g. in temperature, moisture, altitude, exposure, soil, food, etc.), being due to the direct influence or pressure of the environment, and not to any spontaneous tendency within the organism itself. Hence Darwin erred no less with respect to the spontaneity, than with respect to the inheritability and summation, of his “slight variations.”

The subsequent history of Lamarckian and Darwinian Transformism is briefly told. That both should pass into the discard was inevitable, but, thanks to repeated revisions undertaken by loyal adherents, their demise was somewhat retarded. In vain, however, did the Neo-Darwinians attempt to do for Darwinism what the Neo-Lamarckians had as futilely striven to do for Lamarckism. The revisers succeeded only in precipitating a lethal duel between these two rival systems, which has proved disastrous to both. The controversy begun in 1891 between Herbert Spencer and August Weismann marked the climax of this fatal conflict.

Spencer refused to see any value whatever in Darwin’s principle of natural selection, while other Neo-Lamarckians, less extreme, were content to relegate it to the status of a subordinate factor in evolution. Darwin had considered it “the most important means of modification,” but it is safe to say that no modern biologist attaches very much importance to natural selection as a means of accounting for the differences which mark off one species from another. In fact, if natural selection has enjoyed, or still continues to enjoy, any vogue at all, it is not due to its value in natural science (which, for all practical intents and purposes, is nil), but solely to its appeal as “mechanistic solution”; for nothing further is needed to commend it to modern thinkers infected with what Wasmann calls Theophobia. Natural selection, in making the organism a product of the concurrence of blind forces unguided by Divine intelligence, a mere fortuitous result, and not the realization of purpose, has furnished the agnostic with a miserable pretext for omitting God from his attempted explanation of the universe. “Here is the knot,” exclaims Du Bois-Reymond, “here the great difficulty that tortures the intellect which would understand the world. Whoever does not place all activity wholesale under the sway of Epicurean chance, whoever gives only his little finger to teleology, will inevitably arrive at Paley’s discarded ‘Natural Theology,’ and so much the more necessarily, the more clearly he thinks and the more independent his judgment.... The possibility, ever so distant, of banishing from nature its seeming purpose, and putting a blind necessity everywhere in the place of final causes, appears, therefore, as one of the greatest advances in the world of thought, from which a new era will be dated in the treatment of these problems. To have somewhat eased the torture of the intellect which ponders over the world-problem will, as long as philosophical naturalists exist, be Charles Darwin’s greatest title to glory.” (Darwin versus Galiani, “Reden,” Vol. I, p. 211.)

But however indispensable the selection principle may be to a philosophy which proposes to banish the Creator from creation, its scientific insolvency has become so painfully apparent that biologists have lost all confidence in its power to solve the problem of organic origins. It is recognized, for example, that natural selection would suppress, rather than promote, development, seeing that organs have utility only in the state of perfection and are destitute of selection-value while in the imperfect state of transition. Again, the specific differences that diversify the various types of plants and animals are notoriously deficient in selection-value, and therefore the present differentiation of species cannot be accounted for by means of the principle of natural selection. Finally, unless one is prepared to make the preposterous assumption that the environment is a telic mechanism expressly designed for shaping organisms, he is under logical necessity of admitting that the influence of natural selection cannot be anything else than purely destructive. There is, as Wilson points out, no aprioristic ground for supposing that natural selection could do anything more than maintain the status quo, and as for factual proofs of its effectiveness in a positive sense, they are wholly wanting. Professor Caullery of the Sorbonne, in his Harvard lecture of Feb. 24, 1916, assures us that, “since the time of Darwin, natural selection has remained a purely speculative idea and that no one has been able to show its efficacy in concrete indisputable examples.”

Considerations of this sort induced not only Neo-Lamarckians, but many non-partisans as well, to take the field against the Darwinian Selection Principle. Thus Spencer’s caustic attack became a forerunner of others, and eminent biologists, like Fleischmann, Driesch, T. H. Morgan, and Bateson, have in turn poured the vials of their satire upon the attempts of Neo-Darwinians to rehabilitate the philosophy of natural selection. Wm. Bateson warns those, who persist in their credulity with reference to the Darwinian account of organic teleology, that they “will be wise henceforth to base this faith frankly on the impregnable rock of superstition and to abstain from direct appeals to natural fact.” This admonition forms the conclusion of a scathing criticism of what he styles the “fustian of Victorian philosophy.” “In the face of what we know,” it runs, “of the distribution of variability in nature, the scope claimed for natural selection must be greatly reduced. The doctrine of the survival of the fittest is undeniable so long as it is applied to the organism as a whole, but to attempt by this principle to find value in all definiteness of parts and functions, and in the name of science to see fitness everywhere, is mere eighteenth century optimism. Yet it was in its application to the parts, to the details of specific difference, to the spots on the peacock’s tail, to the coloring of an orchid flower, and hosts of such examples, that the potency of natural selection was urged with greatest emphasis. Shorn of these pretensions the doctrine of the survival of favored races is a truism, helping scarcely at all to account for the diversity of species. Tolerance plays almost as considerable a part. By these admissions the last shred of that teleological fustian with which Victorian philosophy loved to clothe the theory of evolution is destroyed.” (Heredity, “Presidential Address to Brit. Ass’n. for Advanc. of Science,” Aug. 14, 1914.) Nor is this all. The Darwinian Selection Principle is reproached with having retarded the progress of science. It is justly accused of having discouraged profound and painstaking analysis by putting into currency its shallow and spurious solution of biological problems. “Too often in the past,” says Edmund Wilson, “the facile formulas of natural selection have been made use of to carry us lightly over the surface of unsuspected depths that would have richly repaid serious exploration.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 406.)

In retaliation for the destructive criticism of natural selection, the Neo-Darwinians have proceeded to pulverize the Lamarckian tenet concerning the inheritability of acquired adaptations. Weismann, having laid down his classic distinction between the soma (comprising the vegetative or tissue cells in contact with the environment) and the germ (i.e. the sequestered reproductive cells or gametes, which are sheltered from environmental vicissitudes), showed that the Lamarckian assumption that a change in the somatic cells (which constitute the organism of the individual) is registered in the germ cells (which constitute the vehicle of racial inheritance), is supported neither by a priori probability nor by any facts of observation. Germ cells give rise by division to somatic or tissue cells, but the converse is not true; for, once a cell has become differentiated and specialized into a tissue cell, it can never again give rise by division to germ cells, but only to other tissue cells of its own kind. Hence the possibility of a change in the tissue being transmitted to the germ has no antecedent probability in its favor. Neither is it grounded on the facts of observation. Bodily mutilations of the parent are not transmitted to the offspring. The child of a blacksmith is not born with a more developed right arm than that of a tailor’s child. When the ovaries from a white rabbit are grafted into a black rabbit, whose own ovaries have been previously removed, the latter, if mated to a white male, will produce spotlessly white young. Hence the offspring inherit the characters of the germ track of the white female, whence the ovaries were derived, without being influenced in the least by the pigmented somatic cells of the nurse-body (i.e. the black female), into which the ovaries were grafted. Kammerer’s experiments, in which young salamanders were found to exhibit at birth the coloration, which their parents had acquired through the action of sunlight, fail to convince, because, in this case, the bodies of the parents are not sufficiently impervious to light to preclude its direct action upon the gametes while in the reproductive organs of the parents. Hence we cannot be sure but that the coloration of the offspring derived from these gametes is due to the direct agency of sunlight rather than to the intermediate influence of the modified somatic cells upon the germ plasm.

The same objection holds true of the recent experiments, in which the germ cells have been modified by modifying the interior medium or internal environment by means of antibodies and hormones. No one doubts the possibility of influencing heredity by a direct modification of the germ cells, especially when, as is always the case in these experiments, the modification produced is destructive rather than constructive. The experiments, therefore, of Prof. M. F. Guyer of Wisconsin University, in which a germinally-transmitted eye defect was produced by injecting pregnant female rabbits with an antilens serum derived from fowls immunized to the crystalline lens of rabbits as antigen, are beside the mark. To demonstrate the Lamarckian thesis one must furnish evidence of a constructive addition to inheritance by means of prior somatic acquisition. The transmission of defects artificially produced is not so much a process of inheritance (transmission of type) as rather one of degeneracy (failure to equate the parental type).[1] Commenting on Guyer’s suggestion that an organism capable of producing antibodies that are germinally-destructive, may also be able to produce constructive bodies, Prof. Edwin S. Goodrich says: “The real weakness of the theory is that it does not escape from the fundamental objections we have already put forward as fatal to Lamarckism. If an effect has been produced, either the supposed constructive substance was present from the first, as an ordinary internal environmental condition necessary for the normal development of the character, or it must have been introduced from without by the application of a new stimulus. The same objection does not apply to the destructive effect. No one doubts that if a factor could be destroyed by a hot needle or picked out with a fine forceps the effect of the operation would persist throughout subsequent generations.” (Science, Dec. 2, 1921, p. 535.)