A history of the University of Oxford

by George C. Brodrick

European influence of Oxford in the fourteenth century

The importance of Oxford in the eyes of Europe was increased during the fourteenth century by two causes, the decline of the University of Paris, and the vigorous protest of Oxford schoolmen against the spiritual despotism of the Papacy, discredited by its subjection to French influence at Avignon. The former of these causes was, in fact, nearly connected with the latter. The University of Paris had owed much to Papal encouragement and protection, but it had always struggled for corporate independence, and when, in 1316, it stooped to solicit the patronage of John XXII., by submitting to him a list of candidates for preferment, it forfeited its unique position in the estimation of European scholars, then a small but united brotherhood. On the other hand, it was an English Franciscan of Oxford—William of Occham—who not only challenged the supremacy of the Pope, but ‘proclaimed the severance of logic from theology.’ The assertion of this bold paradox, aggravated by the aggressive Nominalism of its author, nearly cost him his life, for he was imprisoned by the Pope’s order at Avignon, and only escaped death by taking refuge at Munich with the Emperor Louis of Bavaria. His doctrines, however, found wide acceptance at Oxford, and paved the way for the far deeper revolution in ideas of which John Wyclif was the pioneer.

Rise of Wyclif

The biography of this remarkable man, if authentic materials for it existed, would cover almost the whole academical history of Oxford during the latter part of the fourteenth century. Unfortunately, many of the facts are still involved in uncertainty. Like Duns Scotus, he is believed to have been a Northerner, though his birthplace is doubtful; like him, too, he was at once a Realist in metaphysics and a champion of liberty in theology. Several colleges have claimed him as their own; Balliol has enrolled him among its Masters, Queen’s among its commoners, and Merton among its fellows. His name only appears in the books of Merton in the year 1356, and though he soon afterwards took an active part in the controversies of the day at Balliol and elsewhere, it was not until after 1374 that he became known as the founder of a new school in theology, and, still more, as a dauntless assailant of the corruptions incident to Papal supremacy and priestly authority. In asserting the right of private judgment and exposing ecclesiastical abuses, he was a true successor of Occham, but he dissented from Occham’s Nominalism; his sympathies were entirely with the secular clergy; and, whereas Occham was a Franciscan, Wyclif inveighed against all the monastic Orders, but especially against the friars. The movement which he led was essentially academical in its origin, and definitely marks a great academical reaction against the regular clergy, to whose influence learning and education had owed so much in the previous century.

Career of Wyclif

The career of Wyclif, indeed, belongs to the University quite as much as to the Church. It was as the last of the Oxford schoolmen, and mostly from Oxford itself, that he put forth his series of books and pamphlets on the relations of Church and State, on the subjection of the clergy to civil rule, civil taxation and civil tribunals, on pardons, indulgences, the worship of saints, transubstantiation, the supremacy of Holy Scripture, and other like topics, besides those abstruse scholastic themes which have lost their interest for the present age. During his earlier struggles, the open patronage of John of Gaunt, with the occasional protection of the Court, stood him in good stead, and enabled him to brave not only episcopal censures but Papal anathemas. His real strength, however, consisted in the influence which he commanded in the University itself and, through it, in the English people. When Pope Gregory XI. despatched a Bull to the University of Oxford, calling for an inquiry into his erroneous doctrines, the University barely consented to receive it, and took no steps to comply with it, though it was supported by similar Bulls addressed to the King and the English Bishops. When he was cited for the second time to answer for his opinions in London, the citizens were his avowed partisans. When his tenets had become discredited among the aristocratic party by their supposed connection with the Peasant Revolt, and were officially denounced, in 1381, by the Chancellor of the University, sitting with twelve doctors as assessors, his cause was, nevertheless, stoutly maintained by his followers at Oxford. The next Chancellor, Robert Rygge, of Merton, was at heart among his adherents, and informed the Archbishop Courtenay, in answer to a mandate requiring him to search all the colleges and halls for Wycliffites, that it was as much as his life was worth. The injunctions of the Archbishop, like those of his predecessor, were practically defied at Oxford, until the Crown at last entered the lists against the Reformer. In 1382, a Parliament was held at Oxford. The Convocation which accompanied it condemned Wyclif’s teaching on the Eucharist; the condemnation was published in the school of the Augustinian monks, where Wyclif himself was presiding as professor, and a peremptory order was issued for his expulsion with all his disciples. He died in 1384, but not before he had completed his English translation of the Bible. The spirit which he had kindled continued to animate the University for many years after his death. In Merton College alone several eminent fellows were known as Wycliffites in the next generation, and after the condemnation of Lollardism by the Council of London in 1411, it was thought necessary to pass a stringent University statute to check the propagation of Lollard doctrines. By this statute, the penalty of the greater excommunication was imposed upon all who should disseminate Lollardism, candidates for degrees were required to abjure it, and heads of colleges or halls were enjoined to exclude from their societies any person even suspected of it.

Feud between Northern and Southern ‘nations’

While the University was agitated by these philosophical and theological storms, its external life seems to have been comparatively uneventful during the fourteenth century. We read, however, of a brutal faction fight between ‘the Northern and Southern clerks’ in 1319, and this ancient feud continued to disturb the peace of the University for several generations. The Northern party was apparently the weaker in the University, perhaps because it had sympathised with Simon de Montfort. Accordingly we learn from Anthony Wood that, in 1334, Merton College, which had been suspected of favouring that party, sought to regain popularity in the University by declining to admit Northern scholars. Again, in 1349, a strong faction in the same college succeeded in procuring the election of Wylliott as Chancellor by force, driving out the Northern proctor, and committing acts of sanguinary violence. In 1327, we hear of a ‘most bloody outrage’ committed by the scholars and townsmen of Oxford, joined with the townsmen of Abingdon, on the monks of Abingdon Abbey; and in 1349-50 the ravages of the Black Death were such that Oxford was almost deserted by its students, and the Warden of Merton is said to have died of the plague. Two other memorable events occurred in the reign of Edward III., which deserve more special notice, since they fill a considerable space in the historical records of the University. The one of these was the secession to Stamford in 1333; the other was the great riot which broke out on St. Scholastica’s Day, 1354.[5]

Early secessions to Cambridge and Northampton

The secession to Stamford was by no means the first migration of Oxford students to another provincial town since the foundation of the University. In 1209 and again in 1239 bodies of discontented Oxonians had betaken themselves to Cambridge, and in 1260 a more important secession took place, of which two different accounts have been given. According to one, the emigrants were Northern students who had sided with Simon de Montfort when he summoned his Parliament to Oxford in 1258, and framed those articles which became the signal for civil war. It is further stated that, having been joined at Northampton by refugees from Cambridge, and distinguished themselves in defending the town against the Royal forces, they narrowly escaped the King’s vengeance. According to another account, supported by the authority of Anthony Wood, the King himself, fearing the effect of political excitement on the masters and scholars of the University, expressly sanctioned and encouraged the new settlement at Northampton, specially recommending the emigrants to the good offices of the mayor and bailiffs. At all events, their stay at Northampton was short, for they returned to Oxford in 1264 or 1265, apparently in obedience to a Royal order, but under a safe conduct from Simon de Montfort. It was doubtless this Northampton colony which the founder of Merton had in view when, in his first statutes issued in 1264, he gave the rulers of his new society power to remove the students from Oxford to some other University town—aut alibi, uli studium viget generale.