A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3

by George Elliott Howard

CHAPTER X
RISE OF CIVIL MARRIAGE

[Bibliographical Note X.—The beginning of the Puritan conception of marriage as a civil contract is best seen in Whitgift's "Defence of the Answer," Works (Parker Society, Cambridge, 1851-53), comprising Cartwright's Reply to the Answer, as well as extracts from the Answer itself, and from the original Admonition of 1572 which gave rise to the whole controversy. The views of the Independents, when fully developed, find their fullest expression in the writings of Milton on marriage and divorce, constituting, besides scattered allusions, Vol. III of his Prose Works (Bohn ed., London, 1888); the Likeliest Means to remove Hirelings out of the Church, and the version of Bucer's De regno Christi, entitled The Judgment of Martin Bucer, being of special interest in this connection. For the early period some useful material is afforded by Prothero's Statutes and Constitutional Documents (Oxford, 1894); Brereton's Travels in Holland, 1634-35: "Chetham Society Publications," Vol. I; Hallam's Constitutional History (New York, 1880); and Ranke's England in the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1875).

The act of 1653 is contained in Scobell's Collection of Acts and Ordinances, 1640-1656 (London, 1658); and in the contemporary newspaper entitled Several Proceedings of Parliament, No. 6; but, like all the acts of the revolutionary period, it is omitted in every edition of the Statutes at Large. Original material for a study of the administration of this law may be found in the parish registers covering the interregnum edited by Bulwer, Parish Registers of St. Martin-cum-Gregory in the City of York, Part IV (York, 1895); Cowper, The Booke of Register of the Parish of St. Peter in Canterbury (Canterbury, 1888); Parish Registers of Ellough, Suffolk (privately printed, 1886); Hoveden, The Register Booke ... of the Cathedral and Metropoliticall Church ... of Canterburie (Harleian Society, London, 1878); Margerison, The Registers of the Parish Church of Calverley, in the West Riding of ... York (Bradford, 1880-87); Moore, Registers of Broad Chalke, County Wilts (London, 1880); Phillimore, Gloustershire Parish Registers (London, 1896); Radcliffe, The Parish Registers of St. Chad, Saddlworth in County of York (Uppermill, 1887); Sanders, The Parish Registers of Eastham, Cheshire (London, 1891); idem, The Parish Registers of Bebington, County Chester (Liverpool, 1897); Stavert, The Parish Registers of Burnsall-in-Craven (Skipton, 1893); and Turner, The Non-Conformist Register (Brighouse, 1881). There is an interesting table in Graunt's Natural and Political Observations (Oxford, 1665); and examples of marriage certificates and other records under the act of 1653 may be found in The Register Booke of Inglebye iuxta Grenhow (Canterbury, 1889); Burn's Parish Registers; Friedberg's Eheschliessung; Notes and Queries (London, 1850 ff.); and the Gentleman's Magazine (London, 1731 ff.). The two periodicals just mentioned, like the Monthly Review (London, 1749 ff.), contain a great deal of matter—curious antiquities as well as serious discussion—relative to Fleet marriages, the Hardwicke act, and other phases of the subject. Inderwick's Interregnum (London, 1891) has an instructive discussion of some questions connected with the marriage act; and like Jenk's Constitutional Experiments (Cambridge, 1890) it is valuable for appreciating the legislation of the Commonwealth. Lathbury's History of the Book of Common Prayer (Oxford and London, 1859) describes the operation of the act; and some cases noted in Jeaffreson's Middlesex County Records (London, n. d.) prove the need of the safeguard against abduction or fraud afforded by the act; and there are a number of useful documents in the Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. Illustrations of the ridicule called out by banns in the market-place and the justices' celebration may be found in Butler's Hudibras (Boston, 1864), and Flecknoe's Diarium (London, 1656).

On the Fleet and Mayfair celebrations Burn's now very scarce Fleet Marriages (2d ed., London, 1834) is the chief authority. It is supplemented by his Parish Registers; and these books as well as the original sources have been used for Friedberg's excellent account in the Eheschliessung, which on this topic and the whole ground covered by the present chapter is a trustworthy guide. A famous contemporary book is Brady's Some Considerations upon Clandestine Marriages (2d ed., London, 1750). There is an article by Ewald, "Fleet Marriages," in his Paper and Parchment (London, 1890); and Waters's excellent Parish Registers (new ed., London, 1883) is more reliable than the similar work of Burn. Fleet marriages are also discussed, with interesting extracts from the contemporary newspapers, by Tegg, The Knot Tied (London, 1877); Ashton, The Fleet (London, 1889); and Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals (London, 1872), whose book, like Brand's Observations on the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain (London, 1873-77), contains a mass of information relating to every phase of marriage customs. On these marriages and on the Hardwicke act see also Horace Walpole's Letters (London, 1880); and Lecky, History of England in the 18th Century (New York, 1879).

Many illustrations of matrimonial usage and folklore may be found in Howlett, "Marriage Customs," in Andrews's Curious Church Customs (London, 1895); Edgar, "Marriage in Olden Times," in his Old Church Life in Scotland (London, 1886); Vaux, "Marriage Customs," in his Church Folklore (London, 1894); Ashton, Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1882); and Hutchinson, Chronicles of Gretna Green (London, 1844). In England as well as in Germany the question of polygamy was much debated. A version of Ochino was brought out by Garfeild, A Dialogue of Polygamy (London, 1657). This was followed by the anonymous Concubinage and Polygamy Disproved (London, 1698); Turner, Discourse on Fornication with an Appendix on Concubinage (London, 1698); Delany, Reflections upon Polygamy (London, 1737), opposing the practice; Hamilton, A Treatise on Polygamy proving it to be the Will of God (Dublin, 1786); especially the notorious work of Madan, Thelyphthora; or a Treatise on Female Ruin (2d ed., London, 1781); answered by Towers, Polygamy Unscriptural; or two Dialogues between Philalethes and Monogamus (London, 1780); by Hill, The Blessings of Polygamy (London, 1781); and more elaborately by Cookson, Thoughts on Polygamy (Winchester, 1782). See also Dwight, The Hebrew Wife (Glasgow, 1837); and Colenzo, A Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury (Cambridge, 1862).

The development of contemporary sentiment and opinion may be traced in The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights (London, 1632); Courtin, A Treatise of Jealousie (London, 1684); Salmon, A Critical Essay Concerning Marriage (London, 1724); De Foe, Religious Courtship (London, 1729); Astell's sensible and liberal Reflections upon Marriage (4th ed., London, 1730); the critical and vigorous Hardships of the English Laws in Relation to Wives (London, 1735); Dove, Dissertations on Marriage, Celibacy, etc. (1769); Giles, A Treatise on Marriage (London, 1771); the anonymous Considerations on the Causes of the present Stagnation of Matrimony (London, 1772), alleging the unreasonable authority of parents; The Laws respecting Women, as they regard their Natural Rights (London, 1777); Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Men (London, 1790); her more celebrated A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (London, 1792); Jay, Essay on Marriage, or the duty of Christians to marry Religiously (2d ed., Bath, 1807); Observations on the Marriage Laws (London, 1815); Thompson, Marriage: Two Sermons (London, 1837); and Wardell-Yerburgh (ed.), Marriage Addresses and Marriage Hymns (London and New York, 1900). For the socialistic marriage doctrines of Robert Owen and others see Bibliographical Note XVIII.

For the debates on the act of 1753 see Cobbett, Parliamentary History, XV; the lively comments of Horace Walpole in his Letters; and the same writer's account of the proceedings in his Memoirs of the Reign of George the Second (2d ed., London, 1847). The act is harshly criticised by Madan; and among the writings which it called forth are Considerations on the Bill for preventing Clandestine Marriages (London, 1753); Fry, Considerations on the Act to prevent Clandestine Marriages (London, 1754); Merrick, Marriage a Divine Institution (London, 1754), approving the conservative views of Stebbing, An Enquiry into the Force and Operation of the Annulling Clauses (London, 1754); idem, A Dissertation on the Power of States to deny Civil Protection to the Marriage of Minors (London, 1755); both papers being criticised by Sayer, A Vindication of the Power of Society to Annull the Marriage of Minors (London, 1755). The acts of 1753 and 1836 are noticed also by Mahon, History of England (New York, 1849); Knight, History of England (New York, 1880); Lecky, Democracy and Liberty (New York, 1896); and Spencer Walpole, History of England (London, 1890).

On the existing law as developed since 1753, especially the acts of 1836, the Parliamentary History and the Parliamentary Debates are of course necessary; and for this topic, as well as for the entire chapter, the Statutes at Large are in constant requisition. There are contemporary notices of the acts of 1823 and 1836 in the Annual Register, LXV and LXXVIII; while the sources have been carefully examined by Oppenheim in his valuable monograph, "Ueber die Einführung der Civil-Ehe in England," in ZKR., I (Berlin, 1861). The temper and arguments with which the efforts to secure justice were opposed are disclosed in A Letter to the ... Earl of Liverpool (London, 1827) by a "Presbyter of the Church of England;" Le Geyt, Observations on the Bill now before Parliament (London, 1827); and Griffin-Stonestreet, Nuptiæ Sacræ: Objections to the Amended Unitarian Marriage Bill (London, 1828). See further Phillimore, Substance of the Speech ... on moving ... to amend the Marriage Act (2d ed., London, 1822); and Lawton's edition of The Marriage Act, 4 Geo. IV., c. 76 (London, 1823); Beard, Notes on Lord John Russell's Marriage Bill (London, 1834); and in particular the "Report of the Royal Commission on the Laws of Marriage," in British Documents, 1867-68, XXXII (London, 1868). Of service also are Cooke, A Report of the Case of Horner against Liddiard, Consistorial Court of London, 1799 (London, 1800); Poynter, Doctrine and Practice of the Ecclesiastical Courts in Doctors Commons (London, 1822); Robertson, The Law of Legitimation by Subsequent Marriage (London, 1829); Moodie, Principles, Changes, and Improvements in the Law of Marriage (London, 1849); Wilks, Present Law of Banns a Railroad to Marriage (London, 1864), with which may be compared Ewen, Proclamation of Banns in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1877).

The best short technical treatises on the English marriage laws as a whole are Hammick's The Marriage Law (London, 1887); Geary's Marriage and Family Relations (London, 1892); Ernst's Treatise on Marriage and Divorce (London, 1879); and the concise discussions in Brett's excellent Commentaries on the Laws of England (London, 1891). Of some service also is Tegg's popular book, The Knot Tied, already mentioned; and the compact manual of Moore, How to Be Married (London, 1890), is convenient for ready reference. Useful likewise in this study are the works of Blackstone, Toulmin Smith, Bishop, Evans, Fischel, Burn (Ecclesiastical Laws), Bohn (Political Cyclopædia), all of which have been mentioned in preceding Notes; as well as Campbell, Chancellors (4th ed., London, 1856-57); Howell, State Trials (London, 1809-28); Molesworth, History of England (London, 1877); May, Constitutional History (New York, 1880); Taswell-Langmead, Constitutional History (London, 1880); Green, English People (New York, 1880); and the valuable article on "Marriage" by Robertson in the Encyclopædia Britannica, XV.]

I. CROMWELL'S CIVIL MARRIAGE ACT, 1653

It was not until the middle of the seventeenth century that the ideas of the early German[1280] Reformation relating to the temporal nature of marriage gained ascendancy in England, and then only for the brief period of the Commonwealth. Yet the civil-marriage act of 1653 is of extraordinary historical interest, not only as an example of the statesmanship of Cromwell, so often anticipating the reforms of our own age, but especially as being mainly the result of the revolt of the Puritans, more particularly of the Independents, against the unnatural union of church and state produced by the compromise of the sixteenth century, and of their intense hatred of the formalism and ceremonial of the "Romanizing" party in the established church. The act is of special significance for our present purpose, since it reveals the conceptions which shaped the matrimonial laws of New England. Paradoxical as it may at first glance appear, it cannot be doubted that the first establishment of obligatory civil marriage in England owes its origin chiefly to the desire of an intensely religious party to separate all things worldly from the functions of the clergy and the church.[1281] True, a foreign people, closely related by blood and speech, with whom England had long had intimate relations and to whom the Puritans were drawn through sympathy with their heroic resistance to ecclesiastical oppression, had already provided a model, which may have had a certain influence. For in the Netherlands, on April 1, 1580, after the independence from Spain had been declared, the provinces of Holland and West Friesland had established a civil-marriage form, permissively even for the members of the Reformed church; and in principle this was adopted by the States General for the United Provinces in 1656, three years after the appearance of the English statute under consideration.[1282]

Familiar as many Englishmen probably were with Dutch institutions,[1283] and close as had been the relations of Dutch and English Puritans,[1284] so important an event as the introduction of civil marriage can hardly be due primarily to imitation. Though Holland may have provided a model, it must be essentially the product of English religious history. Already in the reign of Elizabeth there are signs of discontent with the established ritual and with the quasi-sacramental character of marriage as conceived by the Anglican clergy. Especially obnoxious to the Protestant non-conformists, as appears from the well-known controversy between Whitgift and Thomas Cartwright, leader of the English Presbyterian party, are the use of the ring, the "worshipping" of the bride by the bridegroom, requiring the newly married pair to partake of the communion, and certain customs popularly connected with the wedding celebration, but not enjoined by the liturgy. "As for matrimony," runs a passage in the celebrated Admonition to the Parliament, published in 1572, "that also hath corruptions, too many. It was wont to be counted a sacrament; and therefore they use yet a sacramental sign, to which they attribute the virtue of wedlock, I mean the wedding-ring, which they foully abuse and dally withal, in taking it up and laying it down: in putting it on they abuse the name of the Trinity, they make the new-married man, according to the popish form, to make an idol of his wife, saying 'with this ring I thee wed, with my body I thee worship,' etc. And because in popery no holy action may be done without a mass, they enjoin the married persons to receive the communion (as they do their bishops and priests when they are made), etc. Other petty things out of the book we speak not of, as that women, contrary to the rule of the apostle, come, and are suffered to come, bareheaded, with bagpipes and fiddlers before them, to disturb the congregation, and that they must come in at the great door of the church, else all is marred [with divers other heathenish toys in sundry countries, as carrying of wheat-sheaves on their heads, and casting of corn, with a number of such like, whereby they make rather a May-game of marriage than a holy institution of God]."[1285]

In his Answer to the Admonition Whitgift denies that the ring is looked upon as a "sacramental sign," and admits that "it is not material" whether it "be used or not;" while he quotes with approval Bucer's opinion[1286] that the "ceremony is very profitable, if the people be made to understand what is thereby signified, as that the ring and other things, first laid upon the book, and afterward by the minister given to the bridegroom to be delivered to the bride, do signify that we ought to offer all that we have to God before we use them, and to acknowledge that we receive them at his hand to be used to his glory. The putting of the ring upon the fourth finger of the woman's left hand, to which, as it is said there cometh a sinew or string from the heart, doth signify that the heart of the wife ought to be united to her husband; and the roundness of the ring doth signify that the wife ought to be joined to her husband with a perpetual band of love, as the ring itself is without end." Cartwright in his Reply declares that "if it be M. Bucer's judgment which is alleged here for the ring, I see that sometimes Homer sleepeth. For, first of all, I have shewed that it is not lawful to institute new signs and sacraments. And, then, it is dangerous to do it, especially in this which confirmeth the false and popish opinion of a sacrament." Next he ridicules Bucer for his "fond allegories" touching the ring, and thinks that having "the minister to preach upon these toys" savoureth not of his learning and sharpness of judgment.[1287] Whitgift, however, further defends the practice on the score of "convenience" and because it is "void of all manner of superstition."[1288] Moreover, he sustains the requirement of communion, again quoting Bucer in its favor; accuses Cartwright of weak argument and of trying to make "schism in the church" by bringing forward popular customs, "mere trifles" not sanctioned by the "book" which is the real object of his attack; and rightly points out that "worship" implies not idolatry, since it signifies merely to "honor" and not to "adore" according to the more modern devotional sense.[1289] Indeed, it is historically instructive that already in the sixteenth century the original meaning of "worship" should have passed out of common use.

But the attack of the sixteenth-century reformers was not directed solely against the ceremonies and phrases of the marriage ritual. A bold step was taken toward civil marriage when resistance was made to ecclesiastical jurisdiction in matrimonial causes on the ground that these belong to the temporal judge. On this subject Cartwright has a characteristic passage, disclosing his usual ignorance of history and his confusion of mind—of which Whitgift does not fail to take advantage—but nevertheless revealing plainly enough the new ideas which more and more came to the front during the Puritan revolution. "Another thing," he says, "is that in these courts (which they call spiritual) they take the knowledge of matters which are mere civil, thereby not only perverting the order which God hath appointed in severing the civil causes from the ecclesiastical, but justling also with the civil magistrate, and thrusting him from the jurisdiction which appertaineth unto him, as the causes of the contracts of marriage, of divorce, of wills and testaments, with divers other such like things. For, although it appertain to the church and the gouvernors thereof to shew out of the word of God which is a lawful contract or just cause of divorce, and so forth, yet the judicial determination and definitive sentences of all these do appertain unto the civil magistrate. Hereunto may be added, that all their punishments almost are penalties of money, which can by no means appertain to the church, but is a thing merely civil."[1290]

So far as England is concerned, to assign the unfortunate "severing the civil causes from the ecclesiastical" under William the Conqueror to the "order which God hath appointed" may seem to the historical student a trifle bold; and Whitgift may well retort, if "'it pertain to the church to declare what is a lawful contract, and which be the just causes of divorce,' by what reason can you prove 'that the judicial determination and definitive sentence of those matters doth pertain to the civil magistrate only'? For is not he most meet to judge in these causes which best understandeth them?" But Whitgift himself undoubtedly begs the question when he advances the counter-statement that the civil magistrate already has authority in ecclesiastical cases, since "all jurisdiction that any court in England hath or doth exercise, be it civil or ecclesiastical," is "executed in her majesty's name and right," and comes "from her as supreme governor," so that in effect "we" make no "such distinction betwixt civil and ecclesiastical causes as the pope and you do;"[1291] for this very blending of church and state under the "defender of the faith" is really the root of the whole matter in controversy. Yet Cartwright represents a good cause, however lame his defense of it may be. Again returning to the charge, in effect he attacks the notorious character[1292] of the spiritual courts themselves, referring to the "unfitness of those which are chief officers" in them; for "the most" of these officials, he affirms, "are either papists, or bribers, or drunkards (I know what I write), or epicures, and such as live of benefices and prebends in England and in Ireland, doing nothing of those things which appertain unto them."[1293] Dilatory action in matrimonial causes was a standing grievance against the spiritual courts; and many "lamentable complaints and petitions" for redress, especially in cases where "summary hearing and speedy relief" are necessary, were addressed to the privy council. For this reason, in 1613, complaints from wives alleging desertion, cruel treatment, or "breach of the bonds of holy wedlock" on the part of their husbands were relegated to the High Commission for settlement.[1294]