[78] Ibid., 57-102.
[79] In the post-Homeric age agnation did not exist; see Botsford, op. cit., 73. In general on the Greek family see Hruza, Ehebegründung nach attischem Rechte, 8 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 121-23, especially the essay on "Kinship in Ancient Greece," ibid., 195-246 (favoring the maternal system); Botsford, op. cit., chaps. i, ii, iii, supporting the patriarchal theory; but Dr. Botsford's patriarchal family is not that of Sir Henry Maine; Lasaulx, Zur Gesch. u. Philos. der Ehe bei den Griechen, 3 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 2, 3, 14; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 286-301; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 24 ff., 355 ff., 366 ff., who criticises McLennan's view in detail for the Aryan peoples; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 35, 36; Bernhöft, "Das Gesetz von Gortyn," ZVR., VI, 281-304, 430-40; and his "Ehe- und Erbrecht der griechischen Heroenzeit," ibid., XI, 326-64, both articles being of great value; Kohler, "Die Ionsage und Vaterrecht," ibid., V, 407-14, who proves the existence of "judicial" fatherhood; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 232, 233; Unger, Die Ehe, 52-65; Bader, La femme grecque, I, 41 ff.; II, 1 ff. See also Hearn, Aryan Household, and Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, for much valuable matter.
[80] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 120-31; Studies, I, 68 ff., 118; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 329-32; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 31, 32; Maine, Early Hist. of Inst., 216 ff., passim.
[81] The South Slavonian house community is an early institution; see Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven, 2 ff., 64-128; Botsford, op. cit., 12-21; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 340, 341; McLennan, op. cit., 71-119; Maine, Ancient Law, 118; Early Law and Custom, 232-82. But it is not primitive. Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, chaps. i, ii, finds many survivals, as he believes, of an earlier maternal system of kinship and succession.
[82] The question for the Germans will be again referred to; see chap. vi, below.
[83] Gaius, I, 55, Poste, 61.
[84] Such is the view of McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 136-40, 181 ff., 205 ff., 214, 260-62, where Maine's theory of agnation is criticised.
[85] "The last vestiges of the two disappeared from the law together. But, in fact, agnation went first. The paternal powers were susceptible of abridgment and restriction in various ways short of extinction. The wife might become free from them; the children also; and yet they might remain for the slaves. And it was thus gradually that they perished. But agnation is perfect, or it ceases to be agnation. And the moment the ties of blood through women received civil effects agnation was no more."—Patriarchal Theory, 182. On the decay of agnation and patria potestas see Sohm, Institutes, 357, 358, 389-93, 438-47; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 18, 384 ff., 431 ff., 457 ff.; Muirhead, Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 422 ff., 343-49; Maine, Ancient Law, chap. v; Morey, Roman Law, 78, 129, 150, 240-43, 248.
[86] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 190.
[87] Ibid., 194, 195.