[117] Kohler, "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ZVR., VI, 328, 329. Cf. Powell, "Wyandot Government," I. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 59-69.
[118] Friedrichs, "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 381, 382, though he shows elsewhere that paternal authority may coexist with mother-right: "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 206. Cf. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., 114 ff., passim, who maintains that the family, androcratic or gynocratic, originates in slavery through rape or purchase. In the gynocratic family the woman is owner and mistress of the man, as the man is lord of the woman in the androcratic family.
[119] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 67-85.
[120] For an example see Powell, op. cit., and his "Wyandotte Society," A. A. A. S., XXIX, 675-88.
[121] For his theory see the Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht; and compare chap. i, pp. 20-23, above.
[122] See Post, Ursprung des Rechts, 52-56; Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 94, denying the existence of a period of gynocracy; also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 748; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 393; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 216-19; Letourneau, L'évolution du mariage, 131.
[123] Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41; Curr, The Australian Race, I, 60, 62, 69. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 2 ff., insists that Mutterrecht denotes merely exclusive kinship through the mother and is entirely consistent with paternal authority. Cf. Mucke, 173 ff.
[124] Starcke, op. cit., 65; cf. ibid., 229. Fear of the blood-feud through the wife's relatives, as among the Amaxosa, may sometimes act as a check upon the power or brutality of the husband: Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 39, 40.
[125] For example, by Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 70 ff., passim; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit, II, 7; Bernhöft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 161 ff.; Engels, Ursprung der Familie, 17; Kulischer, "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl," ZFE., VIII, 140; "Intercommunale Ehe," ibid., X, 193; Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity, 480, 487 ff.; Ancient Society, 418, 500-502, 384 ff.; Bastian, Rechtsverhältnisse, xviii, lix; McLennan, Studies, I, 92, 95, passim; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 86 ff., 98 ff.; Post, Anfänge des Staats- und Rechtsleben, 19; Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 16 ff.; Grundlagen des Rechts, 182 ff.; Familienrecht, 54 ff.; Ursprung des Rechts, 46 ff.; Wilken, Das Matriarchat, 7; Gumplowicz, Outlines of Sociology, 110 ff.; and especially Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 266, 267; V, 334 ff., and elsewhere throughout his numerous papers.
[126] Thus Giraud-Teulon (op. cit., 70), a zealous advocate of the theory of promiscuity, declares: "Avant d'accepter une semblable hypothèse, il convient cependant de reconnaitre que l'on n'a pas encore trouvé de peuplade vivant actuellement en état de complète promiscuité." But, he adds, the facts observed among living tribes "sont en tel nombre, en telle concordance, et confinent de si près à la promiscuité absolue, que ce n'est pas sortir du champ des hypothèses scientifiquement permises que de supposer dans l'enfance de l'humanité un état de pur communisme." On the lack of positive proof cf. also Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 198 ff.; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41; Morgan, Ancient Society, 500 ff.; McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, I, 85 ff., 93 ff.; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 662, 664; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 130, 131.