[174] "Niedere und Höhere Jäger, Viehzüchter, Niedere und Höhere Ackerbauer."—Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 25, 26.
[175] Lippert, op. cit., 30 ff.; Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 4, 5, where Hildebrand is criticised; Hellwald, op. cit., 197 ff., who declares that in the history of civilization it is "undoubtedly more correct to regard, not pastoral life and agriculture, but nomadic life and settled life as the marks of two diverse culture-phases."
[176] Grosse, op. cit., 29 ff.
[177] "Im Uebrigen aber bildet die Muttersippe auf dieser Culturstufe noch keine Lebens- sondern nur eine Namensgemeinschaft."—Grosse, op. cit., 64.
[178] Ibid., 84.
[179] Ibid., 244, 245.
[180] Mucke, Horde und Familie in ihrer urgeschichtlichen Entwickelung. Eine neue Theorie auf statistischer Grundlage (Stuttgart, 1895). Mucke is harshly reviewed by Kohler, Urgeschichte der Ehe, 17-27.
[181] "Genossenschaft der Urzeit." He derives horde from orta, orda = "local community," "Ortsgemeinschaft," hence "order": Mucke, viii, 40, 41, 43 ff., passim.
[182] "Raumverwandtschaften," Mucke, 1 ff., 20-43, passim.
[183] The details of the author's argument cannot here be given. First (erster Abschnitt) he appeals to the mental processes of the child. The spaces, and consequently the relationship, arise in the child's sense-perception, the impression obtained by the infant soul of the relative distance or remoteness of persons belonging to the different ages and generations. The very inadequate evidence adduced for the former universality of such Lager arrangement (sechster Abschnitt) consists (1) of the alleged customs of modern Asiatic hordes; and (2) the remains of ship-shaped graves and dwelling-places discovered in various parts of the world. With wonderful ingenuity the author is able to explain by his theory nearly every problem connected with marriage and the family. Aside from the constructive part of his work, his criticism of other writers, though often unjust and intolerant, is sometimes acute and instructive.