The Mission to Siam, and Hué, the Capital of Cochin China, in the Years 1821-2

by George Finlayson

In their visits, the most petty officers arrogated a superiority which certainly did not belong to their inferior station, for some of them turned out to be low retainers of the chiefs, to whom they performed the offices of menials, and crouched on the ground before them, as we afterwards found on visiting those chiefs. The demand that the guns should be landed before we proceeded up the river, though a punctilio they readily conceded, but little stress having to all appearance been laid upon it from the commencement, shewed that nothing was beneath their notice, and we may infer from their sending a single narrow boat, capable of holding at most but three persons, on a short journey, for the accommodation of the Agent to the Governor General, that they wished to hold the mission very cheap.

After we had arrived nearly opposite to the palace, no notice whatever was taken of the ship, any more than if she had not been there, and the first communication had for its object to obtain possession of the presents sent by the Governor General. It was impossible to attribute to ignorance their affected indifference, and studied inattention to whatever related to the accommodation, the wants, or the comforts of the gentlemen of the mission. Hospitality is a virtue not altogether unknown to any nation or people; with politeness, it is much the same. Their leading features are acknowledged by all people. Nations differ only in the mode of their expression. On these points there seems no reason to believe that the Siamese are much behind their neighbours. To individuals they had often behaved with attention and kindness, and particularly so to the captains of ships and European traders. The inference therefore is, that, in the present instance, they listened to political motives only, and though the matter was of that trifling importance as scarce to deserve mention, yet, taken in conjunction with their conduct in other matters, it throws some light upon the view in which they held the present mission. Every person of rank carefully abstained from coming near us, Kochai Sahac, being the channel of reference to the chief Suri-Wong Montree, who is not among the persons of the highest rank, but only acting[6]Barkalan, the chief, whose office this is, being either too old, or otherwise incapable of attending to his duties. Our introduction to the king, and the particular place assigned to the mission, at the audience, and other circumstances before alluded to, require no comment. The court in granting a public audience had displayed its power, and perhaps its riches, motives of themselves sufficient to induce a government supported chiefly by appearances, to grant such audience. It is known that the king receives envoys from other potentates in a very different manner, with ceremony, with pomp, wearing his crown at the audience. It was evident therefore that they affected to treat the mission from the Governor General of Bengal as of inferior consequence, and that they meant to consider it in the light of a deputation from the governor of a province, such deputations being common amongst the neighbouring powers. This matter was placed beyond a doubt some days afterwards, the moorman Kochai stating that the mission had been received by the king as a deputation from a provincial government.

Seeing that no notice whatever was taken, nor even mention made, of the letter from the Governor General at our public presentation, we could no longer entertain doubts as to the idea which they wished to impress upon the public mind respecting the importance of the government of Bengal. We, however, had abundant reason to believe that well-informed persons about the government were not ignorant of the vast power, the extensive dominion, the unparalleled equity of that government.

The presents from the Governor General were laid out before us in the hall, and a crier read in a loud voice a list of them, a circumstance also open to suspicion, particularly as the interpreters to the mission were not permitted to be present, or even to pass the inner gate of the palace. Under such circumstances it appeared that they might represent our word presents in whatever light was most flattering to their pride, their vanity, or their crooked policy.

With respect to the actual objects of the mission, the proposals were so moderate, so obviously of mutual advantage, that, from all we could yet learn, the government would be as anxious to confer them as ours to receive them.

The encouragement given to the Chinese traders and labourers, and the limited adventures of the king and some of the principal men about him, had given them a foretaste of the advantages of commerce, which they were now very anxious to improve. They were becoming sensible of the errors created by their cupidity, in imposing innumerable and vexatious duties. Blind to their real interests, as well as ignorant of the practice of commerce, the king and his ministers still continue to be the sole merchants, retaining in their own hands the monopoly of all articles of consequence, and holding it contraband for any others to intermeddle. They have yet to learn that it is possible to fill the treasury with less risk, less trouble, and more credit, from the industry and fair profits of their subjects; and hence King Chau-chee-veet, “the Lord of Life,” continues to be the first trader in his kingdom.

It is to the Chinese nation that they are indebted for whatever knowledge they possess of the advantages of commercial intercourse. In defiance of the laws of the celestial empire, there would appear to be scarcely any limit to the extent of emigration from that great empire. Her subjects are the best and most industrious part of the population of the surrounding nations, over whom their industry, their superior intelligence, and knowledge of the arts, have given them a great and decided superiority. Siam, a country sunk under the most debasing tyranny, destitute alike of arts and commerce, offered a fair field for the developement of their superiority. Fear had long opposed obstacles to the increase of the Chinese, till at length the government either from conscious incapacity of restraining them longer, or from motives of a different nature, has at length given them the most unbounded encouragement, and granted them privileges which render their condition infinitely preferable to that of the natives of the country. On the other hand the benefits which the Chinese emigrants have conferred upon this rude nation, are of obvious and striking utility, and of no ordinary importance. They have sown the seeds of commercial enterprise. They have created commerce where none previously existed, and with their hands they have, as it were, called into existence some of the more valuable objects of commerce. Scarce twenty years have elapsed since the first sugar canes were planted in this kingdom. The annual produce in sugar, at the present time, is stated to amount to 30,000 peculs, of 133½ lbs. each, or 1788 tons. This constitutes, in fact, the most valuable commercial article of the realm. The culture is managed solely by the Chinese, and it is the opinion of the chief Suri-Wong, that it may be carried to an almost unlimited extent. Such being the nature of the advantages derived from the unremitting industry of the Chinese, it is not to be wondered at, if that people should enjoy privileges denied to European and other nations. Chinese traders are accordingly subjected to less vexatious proceedings in their commercial transactions, and are even allowed to purchase the principal commodities at a lower rate of duty than other nations, the difference in the article of sugar amounting to fifty per cent. less than the general rate.

Not satisfied, however, with the trade carried on by the Chinese junks, the king has shewn a strong desire to increase its extent, although the means which he has adopted are not well calculated to effect that object. His proper subjects are altogether ignorant of maritime science, and seem to possess but few of the qualities necessary to ensure success in such employments; he is therefore under the necessity of employing foreigners, as native Christians, Arabs, and other Mahommedans, to navigate his vessels. He, nevertheless, sends annually to various ports in China from ten to twelve junks, of moderate size, laden with sugar, pepper, sapan, and iron wood.

It is, however, with the commercial nations of Europe that he is most desirous to establish the relations of trade. The great size of their vessels, their valuable and select cargoes, and more particularly their ready command of capital, and integrity of conduct, place them at once beyond competition and rivalship. A conscious sense of his own weakness, however, operates strongly as a check upon his intercourse with Europeans. To these fears a debasing cupidity is superadded, and the result is exhibited in a code of irksome and illiberal regulations, calculated at once to disgust and to disappoint the liberal-minded trader. In the actual condition of the existing government, there is but little room to hope for amelioration of policy, or improvement of circumstances. Still less, I conceive, are we to expect that they will lay aside their old prejudices, and adopt in their stead those regulations which, amongst Europeans, are the foundation of what is called free trade. They may, indeed, be induced to lower the duties on certain articles, but it is to be feared that neither the king nor his ministers will abandon their favourite system of monopoly.

That the Siamese government is not disposed, at the present time, to adopt the European notions of free trade, we have a proof in its conduct with regard to the trading brig, Phœnix, belonging to Mr. Storm. Trusting probably to the favourable disposition produced by the mission, this vessel was freighted with articles from Calcutta, which were conceived to be adapted to the Siamese market. She had no sooner arrived at the mouth of the river, than it was communicated by the Siamese government to the Agent to the Governor General that this vessel should afford an instance of the disposition of the government, and that she should enjoy all the privileges and advantages which the royal Majesty of Siam meant to confer upon British merchants. The ordinary policy was immediately resorted to. The king and his ministers insist on the privilege of purchasing before any permission can be granted to trade. They send to demand musters of the articles imported, and affix their own price for such as they wish to purchase. Three weeks have thus passed before any final answer is returned, or the musters sent back, during the whole of which time no boat, no trader, no individual of any description, is permitted to visit the ship, or to hold intercourse with the owners on board. It may be readily conceived that no subject will dare to offer a higher price than that which has been tendered by the king and his ministers. The waste of time must of itself be no little inconvenience to the merchant. It would seem as if it were the object of the Siamese government to disgust the trader, in this manner, by unnecessary delay, hoping thereby to reduce him to the necessity of selling his goods on their own, or, at least, on more moderate terms. In the meanwhile the most evasive answers are returned to every proposition. The slightest and most indifferent matters are rendered a source of annoyance, nor is any proposition or representation on the part of the trader met openly and candidly, but shuffled off in a mean and paltry manner.