PREFACE TO THE READER.
As I did not begin this present controversy, so I do not desire to hold up the ball of contention, yet having appeared in it (neither alone, nor without a calling and opportunity offered), I hold it my duty to vindicate the truth of Christ, the solemn league and covenant, the ordinances of Parliament, the church of Scotland, and myself. For this end was I born, and for this end came I into the world, that I might bear witness to the truth, whereunto I am so much the more encouraged, because it appeareth already in this debate, that magna est vis veritatis,—great is the force of truth, and so great, that my antagonists, though men of parts, and such as could do much for the truth, yet, while they have gone about to do somewhat against the truth, they have mired themselves in foul errors; yea, so far is in them lieth, have most dangerously shaken and endangered the authority of magistrates, who are God's vicegerents, and particularly the authority of Parliament, and of parliamentary ordinances. They have stumbled and fallen, and shall not be able to rise but by the acknowledgment of the truth.
In this following reply, I have not touched much of the argumentative part in Mr Hussey's Plea for Christian Magistracy, reserving most of it to another work, unto which this is a prodromus (howbeit much of what he saith is the same with what I did confute in my Nihil Respondes, and his book, coming forth a month after, takes no notice of that second piece of mine, but speaketh only to the first). Meanwhile, let him not believe that his big looking title can, like Gorgon's head, blockify or stonify rational men, so as they shall not perceive the want or weakness of argument. It hath ever been a trick of adversaries to calumniate the way of God and his servants, as being against authority, but I will, by God's assistance, make it appear to any intelligent man, that the reverend brother hath pleaded very much against magistracy, and so hath fallen himself into the ditch which he hath digged for others, whilst I withal escape.[1345]
But, now, what may be the meaning of Mr Coleman's cabalistical title, Male Dicis Maledicis? Great philologists will tell him that maledico is taken in a good sense as well as in a bad, according to the difference of matter and circumstances. If any kind of malediction be justifiable, it is male dicere maledicis,—to speak evil to evil speakers, for “as he loved cursing, so let it come unto him as he delighted not in blessing, so let it be far from him.” But he doth worse, and his title, with a transposition of letters, will more fitly reflect upon himself male dicis de amicus. You, Sir, speak evil of your friends, and of those that never wronged [pg 4-iii] you. For my part, I have not shared with him in evil speaking, nor rendered revilings for revilings. I am sorry that he is so extremely ill of hearing, as to take reason to be railing, and good sayings to be evil sayings. He applieth to himself the Apostle's words, “Being reviled, we bless.” But where to find these blessings of his, those unwritten verities, I know not. I am sure he had spoken more truly if he had said, “Being not reviled, we do revile.”
For the matter and substance of his reply, there are divers particulars in it which serve rather to be matter of mirth than of argument, as that a Parliament parasite cannot be called an abuser of the Parliament, and that passage, “How can a clause delivered in a postscript, concerning my opinion of my way, be abusive to the Parliament?” A great privilege either of postscripts or of his opinions, that they cannot be abusive to the Parliament. Many passages are full of acrimony, many extravagant, and not to the point in hand, many void of matter. Concerning such Lactantius[1346] gives me a good rule, Otiosum est persequi singula,—it is an idle and unprofitable thing to persecute every particular. And much more I have in my eye the Apostle's rule, “Let all things be done to edifying.” 1 Cor. xiv. 26. I have accordingly endeavoured to avoid such jangling, and such debates as are unprofitable and unedifying, making choice of such purposes as may edify, and not abuse the reader.
Peradventure some will think I might have wholly saved myself this labour. I confess I do not look upon that which I make reply unto, as if it were like to weigh much with knowing men, yet the Apostle tells me that some men's mouths must be stopped, and Jerome tells me[1347] there is nothing written without skill, which will not find a reader with as little skill to judge, and some men grow too wise in their own eyes when they pass unanswered. Besides all this, a vindication and clearing of such things as I mentioned in the beginning, may, by God's blessing, anticipate future and further mistakes. Read therefore and consider, and when thou hast done, I trust thou shalt not think that I have lost my labour. I pray the Lord that all our controversies may end in a more cordial union for prosecuting the ends expressed in the covenant and especially the reformation of religion, according to the word of God and the example of the best reformed churches, and more particularly the practical part of reformation, that the ordinances of Jesus Christ may be kept from pollution, profaneness and scandals shamed away, and piety commended and magnified.
CHAPTER I.
THAT MR COLEMAN DOTH STILL CONTRADICT HIMSELF IN THE STATING OF THIS PRESENT CONTROVERSY ABOUT CHURCH GOVERNMENT.
It was before both denied and yielded by Mr Coleman, that there is a church government which is distinct from the civil, and yet not merely doctrinal. He did profess to subscribe heartily to the votes of Parliament, and yet advised the Parliament to do contrary to their votes, as I proved in Nihil Respondes, p. 3. He answereth now, in his Male Dicis, p. 4, “I deny an institution; I assent to prudence; Where is the self-contradiction now?” and, p. 5, “The advice looks to jus divinum; the Parliament votes to prudence.” Sir, you have spoken evil for yourself; you have made the self-contradiction worse. Will you acknowledge your own words, in your sermon, p. 25, “Lay no more burden of government upon the shoulders of ministers than Christ hath plainly laid upon them; have no more hand therein than the Holy Ghost clearly gives them. The ministers have other work to do, and such as will take up the whole man,” &c.; “I fear an ambitious ensnarement,” &c.; and, in your Re-examination, p. 14, “He should have said, I advised the Parliament to lay no burden of government upon them whom he (this Commissioner) thinks church officers, then had he spoken true.” Now let the reverend brother take heed to checkmate, and that three several ways (but let him not grow angry, as bad players use to do). For, 1. Eo ipso that he denies the institution, [pg 4-002] by his principles he denies the prudence; for he that denieth the institution, and adviseth the Parliament to lay no more burden of government upon ministers than Christ hath plainly laid upon them, is against the settling of the thing in a prudential way, because it is not instituted. But Mr Coleman denies the institution, and adviseth the Parliament to lay no more burden of government upon ministers than Christ hath plainly laid upon them; therefore Mr Coleman is against the settling of the thing in a prudential way, because it is not instituted. And how to reconcile this with his denying of the institution and yielding of the prudence, will require a more reconciling head than Manasseh Ben Israel Conciliator himself. 2. He that adviseth the Parliament to lay no burden of government upon ministers, because they have other work to do which will take up the whole man, and because of the fear of an ambitious ensnarement, is against the laying of any burden of corrective government upon ministers, so much as in a prudential way. But Mr Coleman adviseth the Parliament, &c.; therefore the consequence in the proposition is necessary, unless he will say that it is agreeable to the rules of prudence to lay upon them more work besides that which will take up the whole man, or to commit that power unto them which is like to prove an ambitious ensnarement. 3. He that adviseth the Parliament to lay no burden at all of corrective government upon ministers and other officers joined with them in elderships, but to keep that power wholly in their own hands, is against the prudence of the thing, as well as against the institution of it. But [pg 4-003] Mr Coleman adviseth the Parliament to lay no burden at all of corrective government upon these, but to keep that power wholly in their own hands; therefore the proposition is proved by that which himself saith, The Parliament votes look to prudence. So that the Parliament, having voted a power of suspension from the sacrament unto elderships, for so many scandals as are enumerate in the ordinance (which power is a part of that which he calls corrective), he that is against this power in elderships is both against the prudence and against the ordinance of Parliament. The assumption I prove from his Re-examination, p. 14, where, after his denial of the power to those whom we think church officers, being charged with advising the Parliament to take church government wholly into their own hands, his answer was, “If you mean the corrective power, I do so.”