Cf. viii. 5, 6, ‘Non deerat talia concupiscenti perniciosa adulatio, perpetuum malum regum, quorum opes saepius adsentatio quam hostis evertit.’
This tone also renders it impossible to identify him with Curtius Rufus, mentioned in Tac. Ann. xi. 21, as governor of Africa, and as ‘adversus superiores tristi adulatione, adrogans minoribus, inter pares difficilis.’
Seneca is supposed to have quoted his contemporary Curtius once or twice. Cf. Sen. Ep. 56, 9, ‘Nihil tam certum est quam otii vitia negotio discuti’; and Curt. vii. 1, 4, ‘Satis prudens, otii vitia negotio discuti.’ Cf. also viii. 10, 29 with Sen. Ep. 59, 12.
Curtius claims to transcribe his authorities carefully. Cf. ix. 1, 34, ‘Equidem plura transscribo quam credo: nam nec adfirmare sustineo, de quibus dubito, nec subducere quae accepi.’
Curtius’ statements are usually parallel to those of one or other of the historians of Alexander, but he appeals only twice to other authorities by name.
ix. 8, 15, ‘Clitarchus (c. 300 B.C.) est auctor.’
ix. 5, 21, ‘Ptolemaeum (c. 300 B.C.), qui postea regnavit, huic pugnae adfuisse auctor est Clitarchus et Timagenes (c. 55 B.C.). Sed ipse ... afuisse se missum in expeditionem memoriae tradidit.’
The rhetorical tone of the work is seen in the speeches and letters. For the latter cf. iv. 1, 10-74. Curtius has little technical knowledge of war or politics. Thus Alexander’s assumption of oriental pomp to conciliate the Asiatics is looked on as ὕβρις. Cf. iii. 12, 18. Like Livy, he attempts to depreciate Alexander’s abilities by unduly accentuating his good fortune.
Cf. viii. 3, 1, ‘Sed hanc quoque expeditionem, ut pleraque alia, fortuna indulgendo ei numquam fatigata pro absente transegit.’