This whole vast scheme of robbery—social parasitism—is “correct” and “proper,”—that is, the process is ELABORATELY LEGALIZED.
Parasitism is robbery.
Parasitism does not cease to be parasitism, nor does robbery cease to be robbery, when, like chattel slavery, it shrewdly gets itself organized, baptized and legalized as an “eminently respectable” and profitable righteous institution for committing perpetual grand larceny.[[311]]
Thus at present, as in the past under slavery, as in the past under serfdom, the ruling class, as intelligent parasites, prepare for class aggression, prepare for class robbery. They as a class create and secure their opportunity for legally robbing the producing class by arranging to control the industrial structure of society and thus control the performance of the industrial function—that is, the fundamental function, the first function, of society.
The ruled and robbed working class must get it in mind distinctly and unforgettably that the foundation of all class-labor forms of society, that which gives to part of society the control of society, the foundation upon which industrial parasitism rests, the substructure of all despotism—is the institution of private property in the chief material means of production. This institution SPLITS SOCIETY INTO TWO CLASSES, namely, the producers and the parasites. Political parties do not create classes. Political parties are a consequence of industrial classes and are intended to defend industrial classes. Sometimes, to make sure of victory, the capitalist class have several political parties in the field—under shrewdly confusing names.
A class-labor system, any class-labor system, all class-labor systems—provide, by means of institutions, the LEGAL conditions and opportunities at the industrial foundations of society for part of society, a class, to act directly or indirectly as parasites; and it is entirely natural that that part of society, in pursuing their own interests, should use their opportunity to act like parasites. And it is entirely natural also that there should be resistance by the producers, and therefore class struggle, class war. Indeed all class-labor forms of society are industrially so brutally unjust and therefore so irritating that the largest fact in such societies is an eternal, internal, infernal conflict of industrial class interests—an endless civil war in industry, a class war, a class struggle, around and around the industrial foundations of society. (See pages [167]–70.)
Antagonism is thus in the Structure of class-form society.
This helps to an understanding of past and present conflicts.
It becomes evident that the source of war is to be found at the industrial foundations of society.
War—war broadly considered—the class struggle, throughout the history of civilized society is no more and no less than the natural aggressive robbery by a part of society provided with an opportunity to rob and the natural resistance of the class that is robbed.