Discussion on American Slavery

by George Thompson; Robert J. Breckinridge

THIRD NIGHT—WEDNESDAY, JUNE 15.

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE, the subject for discussion this evening by two appointments, was the great cause of colonization, as it presented itself in America; and he was aware that of all the parts of the subject of these discussions there were none on which their opinions were more decidedly made up against what he believed to be the truth. It was, therefore, peculiarly embarrassing for him to enter upon the subject, but he did so with that frankness and candor with which he had entered upon the other topics of discussion; and if he would not show them sufficient reason to commend the principle of colonization to their minds and feelings, he could only expect that they should remain of their present opinions. The scheme of colonization was not a new one in America. It had been spoken of 40 or 50 years ago, by him who in his day ranked next to the father of his country in the affections of the American people, Mr. Jefferson, before he filled the president's chair, while he was president, and afterwards occupied his thoughts with this great scheme. Being himself a decided enemy to slavery, he tried to rouse the minds of his countrymen to the advantages which would arise from the colonizing of the free blacks of America on some part of the Western coast of Africa. With this view he entered into negotiations with the Sierra Leone Company in this country, to receive into their colony free people of color from America; and he also had applied to the Portuguese government, at that time a large African proprietor, for a place where the free blacks might be allowed to colonize themselves. Whether these efforts, which were applauded and aided by many wise and good men, deserved to be praised or blamed, was not the topic to be taken up at present; but they showed that the scheme was one which could not be called a new scheme. This proposal of colonizing the free blacks of America on the West coast of Africa had obtained the approbation of nine tenths of all those throughout America who took any interest in the fate of the black race: for even the great bulk of those who were now in favor of "abolitionism," were at one time the friends of colonization. Whether they had good or bad reasons for the change which had taken place in their opinions, would be more apparent, perhaps, when they arrived at the end of the discussion. It was in the course of the years 1822 or 1823 that the first colonists were sent out from America. He might not be perfectly accurate in his dates, as he gave them from memory, but the present argument did not depend on exact accuracy in that respect. The society for promoting the colonization scheme was organized some years before the date stated above, when an expedition was sent out to explore the coast of Africa with a view to establishing the colony; and afterwards another to purchase territory; and then the colonists were sent out, which he believed took place for the first time after 1820. The society continued to pursue the scheme for a period of 9 or 10 years, and met with no opposition except from some parties in the extreme South; but had the concurrence of almost all the wise, the good, and the benevolent in America. It was not till about 1830 that any very violent opposition was made to the society's operations; and he believed Mr. Garrison was among the first who opposed it, on the ground that its operations were injurious to the interests of the colored race in America. Mr. Arthur Tappan also seceded from the society about the same time, but upon different grounds from Garrison. His opposition arose from the society's not taking up his ground in reference to Temperance. He had no hesitation in saying that Mr. Tappan was right, and that the society was wrong; as they did not go far enough in regard to this point. He the more readily admitted that in this particular Mr. Tappan's views were right, as he was wrong in every other point which he assumed in reference to the society. But it was not till about 1832, that an organized opposition to the society began to manifest itself. In 1833 the American Anti-Slavery Society was established, one of the fundamental principles of which, and perhaps the one they most zealously propagated, was uncompromising hostility to the colonization scheme. In the progress of events too, it turned out that all the friends of colonization did not see alike on all parts of the subject. Many of them thought that the interests involved were too important and too great to be left to a single board of management or staked on a single series of experiments. Some considered that one general principle of operation could not be made broad enough for the circumstances of all the states, and hence arose several separate societies,—as that of Maryland, organized on peculiar principles, which have direct reference to general emancipation; and as those of New York and Philadelphia, which have founded a colony on principles of peace,—the temperance principle being held equally by them and the Maryland society. The general society at Washington assumed the ground of colonizing, on the West coast of Africa with their own consent, persons of color from America who were of good character, and who were free at the time of their being sent out. The Maryland Society went a step farther. They saw that the colonization scheme would have a reflection favorable to emancipation; and they carried on their operations with a direct and avowed reference to the ultimate emancipation of the slaves in that state. The New York and Philadelphia societies were founded, as I have above said, on the principles of temperance and peace—the former principle being common also to the Maryland scheme. The united societies of New York and Philadelphia first took 120 slaves who had been manumitted by the late Dr. Hawes, of Va., and formed them into a colony. The Parent Society's territory in Africa was called Liberia. It was about 100 leagues in length along the coast, about 10 or 15 leagues deep, and there were 5 or 6 settlements, all under the general control of that society. There were in them all about 4,000 colonists, a great portion of whom were manumitted slaves. The colony of the Maryland Society was farther South than that of the Parent Society. It was situated on that point of the coast called Cape Palmas, and was itself called Maryland in Africa. It was under the charge of a board of management in Maryland, and consisted at this time of between two and three hundred colonists, who were chiefly manumitted slaves. The other colony, that belonging to the New York and Philadelphia Society, was at Bassa Cove, and was under the charge of the directors of that society. There were in all about 5000 colonists under the charge of these societies. For the first few years of the existence of the Parent Society, it was supported by a number of gentlemen for different reasons. At the commencement it was not perhaps perfectly clear how it might operate. Some advocated the cause and supported the interests of the society, on the principles of direct humanity to the free colored persons of America. Others again supported it as calculated to produce collateral effects favorable to the slaves, and the general cause of emancipation in the country. Others on the ground that it would enable the country to get rid of the colored population, without much reference to what might be the result to the colored population themselves; just as if in England there were individuals who would promote emigration, to get the country rid of those who were as they supposed given to idleness and a burden upon the country. There may have been some who supported the society from an actual love for slavery, and as a means which they supposed might lessen some of the evils by which it was accompanied. During the first years of the society's operations, many thousands of speeches were delivered, and many hundreds of pamphlets were published about the society, its operations, and their effects; and it was quite possible that Mr. Thompson might be able to bring forward some sentences and scraps from the speeches of a slave-owner, who looked upon the society as a means of perpetuating slavery in America; or he might produce some speech, in which the society was supported as a means of ridding the country of the free people of color, no matter what became of them afterward. But it was uncandid and unjust to take this plan of opposing the cause; because it was well known that whatever might be the case in particular instances, the general fact was, that the great majority of the supporters of the society had always supported it, because of the good effects they anticipated from it in favor of ultimate emancipation, as well as its present and immense benefits to the free blacks. Now I challenge Mr. Thompson to the plain admission, or the plain denial of these statements. If he denies them I am content; for in that case, he will stand convicted in America, for the denial of that which every man, woman and child there knows to be true. If he admits my statements to be substantially true, then the entire point of the charges brought by him and his friends against colonization, is broken off; and all he or they can allege against it, can equally be alleged against every thing, good or bad, that ever existed, namely, that men supported it for various, or even opposite reasons. I go farther—I assert, and call upon Mr. Thompson to admit or to deny it, I care not which—that just in proportion as the cause has developed itself, and its natural and legitimate influences been plainly exhibited—those who favor slavery have cooled in its support, or withdrawn entirely from it—while those who favor emancipation, and desire the good of the free people of color, have, in the same degree, and with increasing cordiality, rather avowed it, insomuch that it will be difficult if not wholly impossible for our evidences of friendship to it, from an avowed friend of slavery, to be culled out of all his scraps, as occurring within the last three or four years. Indeed no persons were more persecuted after what Mr. T. calls persecution in some of the Southern states, than those who advocate the cause of colonization, a fact which began to occur as soon as those slave owners, who desired slavery to continue, clearly saw that the natural result was the ultimate emancipation of the slaves. How far the conduct of Mr. Thompson and his friends was calculated to produce a reaction in the South, and incline moderate and humane masters to the views of the emancipationists, cannot now be determined. But that the increasing wisdom and benevolence of the South will compensate for the folly and phrenzy at the North, there is good reason to hope. He would now proceed to give a few reasons why this scheme of colonization should be supported. But he would first call their attention to a resolution proposed by Mr. George Thompson at a meeting of the Young Mens' Anti Slavery Society of Boston:—

That as the American Colonization Society has been demonstrated to be in its principles unrighteous, unnatural, and proscriptive, the attempt now made to give permanency to this institution is a fraud upon the ignorance and an outrage upon the intelligence of the public, and as such deserves the severest reprobation.

The verbiage of this resolution showed its parentage. No one who had ever heard one of Mr. Thompson's speeches could for a moment doubt the authorship of the resolution. But what were they to think of an individual who, being almost a perfect stranger in America, came forward at a public meeting, and spoke in terms like these of a society, supported and encouraged by the great majority of the nation—embracing in that majority most of what is distinguished by rank, by knowledge, or by virtue, in the country? What but universal execration from the violent, and pity and contempt from all—could be expected to follow such proceedings. And yet London, Edinburgh, and Glasgow, celebrate the prudence of Mr. George Thompson in America, and praise his conduct there on their behalf! It was not demonstrated that the scheme was either unnatural, proscriptive, or foolish. He wished much to hear Mr. Thompson attempt that demonstration. He (Mr. B.) would attempt to prove, on the other hand, that in itself the scheme was good, wise, and benevolent. His first reason was that it was good for the free black population of America, for whose benefit it was intended, whatever might be the opinions entertained regarding slavery; whatever might be the opinion as to the duty of admitting the free colored population to all the rights and privileges of white people; taking it for granted that slavery should be abolished, taking it for granted that the free colored population should have the same rights and privileges as the white population; admitting, as so many have declared, that these free people of color are generally very little elevated above the condition of the slaves; granting the existence of the absurd prejudice among the white population against people of color; taking as true, all the assertions of all, or any parties, on this subject, and then say, if it is not a good, a wise, a humane reason for encouraging the society, that they are able to snatch 1000 or 10,000 of these degraded, ruined, undone, and unhappy people from the condition they are placed in, and plant them in comfort, freedom, and peace in Africa? While Mr. Thompson and his friends were trying their schemes to terminate slavery, and break down prejudice against color—schemes which were likely to be long in progress, if we were to judge by the past—it seemed most extraordinary that they should object to our efforts to take a portion of these people out of the grasp of their present sorrows, and do for them in Africa all that has been done for ourselves in America. Above all things, is it not inexplicable, that they should consider slavery on one side of the Atlantic, better than freedom on the other,—a thought, proving him who held it unworthy of freedom anywhere. If this was not a scheme, full of wisdom, of goodness and benevolence, he know not what wisdom, goodness, or benevolence meant. They proposed to do nothing without the free consent of the colored people. And now, if a similar offer were made to every poor and unfortunate inhabitant of Glasgow, and all of them chose to remain here, except one, and that one were captivated by the account of some distant El Dorado, and chose to push his fortune there, could the rest assume over this one the right of saying, you shall not go; we are determined not to go, and equally determined not to let you go. Yet the abolitionists have been going about, from Dan to Beersheba, not only attacking and vilifying the whites, for proposing to colonize the blacks with their own free consent; but equally attacking the blacks for availing themselves of the offer. And though the colony had been stigmatized as a grave, as a place of skulls, it was the very place fitted by nature for the black population, the land granted by God to their fathers. It is in one sense, then, a matter of no moment, what the causes are which induce the society to make the offer, or the black population to emigrate to Africa—even on the showing of the abolitionists themselves, the colored population are kept in a state of degradation; and it is certainly just and good that means should be afforded them for getting rid of that degradation. In the second place, he maintained that this colonization scheme naturally tended to promote the cause of general emancipation. To illustrate this, Mr. Breckinridge read the following extract from the Maryland report of 1835, p. 17:—

The number of manumissions in the state reported to the board since the last annual report, is two hundred and ninety-nine, making the whole number reported as manumitted, since the passage of the act of 1831, eleven hundred and one.

This extract showed that the scheme did not prevent manumission, but had tended gradually to increase its amount. That this was the intention and actual effect of the colonization scheme, he would now prove to the meeting in so far as regarded Maryland; and if he did so of that state, he supposed they would not find it difficult to believe the same thing of other states, as it was against Maryland that Mr. Thompson had expended his peculiar virulence. Mr. B. then read the following:—

Resolved, That this society believe, and act upon the belief that colonization has a tendency to promote emancipation, by affording to the emancipated slave a home, where he can be happier and better, in every point of view, than in this country, and so inducing masters to manumit, for removal to Africa, who would not manumit unconditionally.—3rd A. Rep. page 5.

Maryland, through her State Society, is about trying the important experiment, whether, by means of colonies on the coast of Africa, slave-holding states may become free states. The Board of Managers cannot doubt of success, however; and in exercising the high and responsible duties devolving upon them, it is with the firm belief that the time is not very remote, when, with the full and free consent of those interested in this species of property, the state of Maryland will be added to the list of the non-slave-holding states of the Union.—3 A. R. page 6.

It has been charged, again and again, against the general scheme, that its tendencies were to perpetuate slavery; and, at this moment, both in this country and in Europe, there are those who stigmatize the labors of men like Finley, Caldwell, Harper, Ayres, Ashmun, Key, Gurley, Anderson and Randall, as leading to this end. Unfounded as is the charge, it has many believers. The colonization law of Maryland is based upon a far different principle; for the immigration of slaves is expressly prohibited, and the transportation of those who are emancipated is amply provided for. In accordance, therefore, with the general sentiment of the public, and anxious that colonization in the state should be relieved from the imputation put upon the cause, resolutions were unanimously adopted, avowing that the extirpation of slavery in Maryland was the chief object of the society's existence.—3 A. R. page 33.