[65]. The members of the Harrison cabinet were Daniel Webster, Secretary of State; Thomas Ewing, Secretary of the Treasury; John Bell, Secretary of War; George E. Badger, Secretary of the Navy; John J. Crittenden, Attorney General; Francis Granger, Postmaster General.

[66]. For the reasons which led Mr. Webster to remain in office, see his Life, by the present writer, vol. II., pp. 69 et seq. See farther, note on page 625 post.

[67]. Speech delivered in the Senate July 7th, 1841. Compare President Tyler’s veto message.

[68]. See the speech of Sept. 2, 1841.

[69]. Speech of December 29, 1841.

[70]. Compare what Mr. Webster has said on the veto power.

[71]. Mr. Buchanan cannot discover, after careful examination, that any Catholic Emancipation bill was vetoed by George the Third in 1806, according to the statement of Mr. Grant. That gentleman, most probably, intended to refer to the bill for this purpose which was introduced by the Grenville ministry, in March, 1807, under the impression that they had obtained for it the approbation of His Majesty. Upon its second reading, notice was given of his displeasure. The ministry then agreed to drop the bill altogether; but, notwithstanding this concession, they were changed, because they would not give a written pledge to the king, that they should propose no farther concessions to the Catholics thereafter. This was an exertion of the royal prerogative beyond the veto power. (Note by Mr. Buchanan.)

[72]. The history of this treaty and of the controversy relating to the maps is given in the author’s Life of Mr. Webster, vol. II, chap. 28.

[73]. This account of the conversation is taken from a memorandum in the handwriting of Mr. Sloan.

[74]. General Samuel Houston, an intimate friend of General Jackson, held conversations in the winter of 1824–5 with the members of the Ohio delegation, in which he took it upon him, in his efforts to persuade them to vote for Jackson, to say, that in the event of his election, “your man” (Clay) “can have anything he pleases.” All this, and a great deal more of the same kind, meant only an expectation and belief on the part of some of Jackson’s friends, that a political union between him and Mr. Clay would be for the good of the country, and it was their earnest wish to see it take place. Some of the friends of Mr. Clay supposed that these were advances made to him with General Jackson’s knowledge and consent, and that, as they were not met by Clay, the indifference with which they were treated caused General Jackson’s subsequent charge of “bargain and corruption” between Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams. This and many similar mistakes were the natural fruits of the excitement which prevailed in Washington during the winter of 1824–5.