Brook Street, London, November 2, 1860.

My dear Mr. President:—

In writing to you thus soon after my return to England, my first and foremost object is, to thank you once again, which I do very warmly, for all your kindness during my last visit at Washington. In the course of a life somewhat checquered with various incidents, in various places, I know not that I ever enjoyed five days so much;—including under this expression both the time of the royal visit, and that which I afterwards passed with you alone. The Executive Mansion is lost to me for the future, if even I ever return to America; but you I trust will preserve to me hereafter the regard and friendship which it is pleasant to me to possess.

The letter you entrusted to my care was in the hands of the queen exactly fourteen days after I had received it from you. It will give you pleasure, I know, to learn (which I presume you will afterwards do in some way from the queen herself), how very much she was gratified by it. Both Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell have expressly and strongly mentioned this to me.

All England, as far as I can see and hear, is delighted with the reception of the Prince in the United States. It has produced a strong impression here;—reciprocated I hope and believe in America.

The squadron which brings him home has not yet been heard of; but as they have now been twelve or thirteen days at sea, the arrival can not be long delayed. Probably to-day may bring some intelligence. I shall be impatient to see again the several members of the Prince’s suite, and to hear their detail of all that followed after our parting at Washington. They will all, I am persuaded, come back with the same strong sentiment they had at that time regarding their reception in the United States.

You will see that the European continent is still laboring under the same strange political complications;—enlivened, if I may so phrase it, by an occasional battle, but obscured by a dark haze over the future. Lord Palmerston tells me that he believes it will all end rightly, and I am willing to believe him, though I do not see my way towards this result. Many games are evidently at this moment played underhand—not like the open and frank bowling of the ten-pin courts. Our excellent ally, Louis Napoleon, comes under this suspicion, while some suspect that he, between Church and State affairs, is under as much perplexity as his neighbors. It seems even doubtful whether the compulsory concession of the Emperor of Austria will satisfy Hungary, or leave him free for the contingencies of an Italian campaign. If a general war can be avoided, it is the utmost the most sanguine dare hope for. For the present the great interest is concentrated on the spot where the King of Naples still makes a show of resistance to the King of Sardinia and Garibaldi,—a matter that a few days must decide. Then comes the question of the Pope and Rome,—a still more complex and delicate affair, with interests rooted all over Europe.

In England we are happy and prosperous, despite our indifferent harvest,—better, however, than at one time expected. But we shall be fed out of your abundance, if need there be.

The telegraphic news from China seems good as far as it goes, but we shall need the details to know its full import. Lord Palmerston tells me that the last despatches led them to believe that the Emperor of China was very desirous, or at least not unwilling, that his army should be defeated, to rescue himself from the hands of a war party at Pekin, which overruled him in his own wishes. Chinese rumors are very apocryphal documents.

I must not intrude further upon your time, by what, after all, is little more than may be drawn from the newspapers of the day. In bidding you farewell, my dear Mr. President, I have but again to repeat the expressions of acknowledgment for kindnesses received, and of cordial regard and respect, with which I remain,