The Emperor, having read it, expressed his implicit trust in Marquis Ito, saying that he placed more reliance upon what he said than upon the representations of his own subjects. [It may seem a strange comment upon the working of His Majesty’s mind, but all my observations and experiences, while in Korea, lead me to believe in the veracity of this declaration. To the last, the Emperor trusted the word of the Marquis Ito.]... If, however, he accepted the agreement and retained no outward form of control over Korean foreign affairs, the relations of Japan and Korea would be like those of Austria and Hungary; or Korea’s condition would be like that of one of the African tribes.
Marquis Ito begged leave to dissent. Austria and Hungary were ruled by one monarch; whereas in this case His Majesty would still be Emperor of Korea, and would continue as before to exercise his Imperial prerogatives. As for the presumed resemblance to an African tribe, that could hardly be considered in point; since Korea had a Government established for centuries and therefore a national organization and forms of administration such as no savage tribe possessed.
The Emperor expressed appreciation of what the Marquis said, but repeated that he did not care for the substance, and only wished to retain some external form of control over Korea’s foreign affairs. He therefore hoped that the Marquis would inform his Emperor and the Japanese Government of this wish and would induce them to change the plan proposed; this wish he reiterated a number of times. [There were undoubtedly two reasons, entirely valid from his point of view, for the endeavor to secure this change. The first was the very natural desire to “save his face”; and the second was the—with him—scarcely less natural desire to leave room for intrigue to contest the scope of the terms agreed upon while claiming to be faithful to their substance.]
The Marquis stated that he could not comply with the request of His Majesty. The draft was the definitive expression of the views of the Japanese Government after most careful consideration, and could not be changed as His Majesty desired. He then quoted the Article in the Portsmouth Treaty wherein Russia recognizes the paramount political, commercial, and economic interests of Japan in Korea. There was only one alternative, he added: either to accept or to refuse. He could not predict what the result would be if His Majesty refused, but he feared that it might be less acceptable than what he now proposed. If His Majesty refused, he must clearly understand this.
The Emperor replied that he did not hesitate because he was ignorant of this fact, but because he could not himself decide at that moment. He must consult his Ministers and ascertain also “the intention of the people at large.”
The Marquis replied that His Majesty was, of course, quite right in desiring to consult his Ministers, but he could not understand what was meant by consulting “the intention of the people.” Inasmuch as Korea did not have a constitutional form of government, and consequently no Diet, it seemed rather a strange proceeding to consult “the intention of the people.” If such action should lead to popular ferment and excitement and possibly public disturbances, he must respectfully point out that the responsibility would rest with His Majesty.
Finally, after some further discussion, the Emperor requested Marquis Ito to have Minister Hayashi (who held the power to negotiate the proposed agreement) consult with his own Minister for Foreign Affairs. The result could be submitted to the Cabinet; and when that body had reached a decision His Majesty’s approval could be asked.
Marquis Ito said that prompt action was necessary, and requested His Majesty to summon the Minister for Foreign Affairs at once, and to instruct him to negotiate and sign the agreement. The Emperor replied that he would give instructions to the Minister for Foreign Affairs to that effect. Marquis Ito stated that he would remain awaiting the conclusion of that agreement, and would again request His Majesty to grant him an audience.
Before this first audience ended the Emperor again asked Marquis Ito to persuade His Majesty of Japan to consent that Korea should retain some outward form of control over her foreign affairs; but again Marquis Ito refused. This repeated refusal of Japan’s Representative to concede anything whatever as an abatement of his country’s control in the future over Korea’s relations to foreign countries distinctly reveals the nature of the only treaty that could then possibly have been concluded between the two Powers. On the following day, the 16th of November, Marquis Ito had a conference with all of the Cabinet Ministers, except the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who on the same day began negotiations with Minister Hayashi. Marquis Ito explained fully to the Korean Ministers the object of his mission and the views of his Government.
On the 17th of November, at 11 A. M., all of the Korean Ministers went to the Japanese Legation, lunched there, and conferred with Mr. Hayashi until 3 o’clock, when they adjourned to the Palace and held a meeting in the Emperor’s presence. Their decision was, finally, to refuse to agree to the Treaty in the form in which it had been proposed. Marquis Ito was taking dinner with General Hasegawa, when, at 7.30, he received a message from Mr. Hayashi conveying this intelligence and a request to come to the Palace.[35] Accordingly, at 8 o’clock, he went to the Palace in company with General Hasegawa, the latter’s aide, and the three or four mounted gendarmes, who accompanied Marquis Ito wherever he went. There were no other Japanese guards or soldiers in attendance, and none in the immediate vicinity of the Palace. The gendarmes who accompanied the Marquis did not enter the Palace precincts, and all the gates and entrances were guarded as usual by Korean soldiers, Korean gendarmes and Korean policemen. Precautions had indeed been taken to preserve order in the city, as some outburst of mob violence was possible. The necessity of this precaution was shown later in the night when an attempt was made to set fire to the house of Mr. Yi Wan-yong, Minister of Education (now Prime Minister). It was only when the conference was ended that, at the express request of the Korean Ministers, a small number of gendarmes was summoned to accompany them to their homes. [This precaution will not seem excessive, or threatening of violence to others, in the eyes of one who, like myself, has spent a period of two months in Korea, characterized by repeated attempts to assassinate the Ministers, who always went guarded by Korean and Japanese gendarmes. See [pp. 66 ff.]]