In Korea with Marquis Ito

by George Trumbull Ladd

On the morning of the same day on which the news of the affair at The Hague reached Seoul, the Emperor sent the Minister of the Imperial Household to Marquis Ito with a message disavowing all responsibility for the delegation and for the protest addressed by it to the Peace Conference. This was precisely what the delegation had already informed all Europe His Korean Majesty would certainly do. But then there was their word against the Emperor’s word; and they claimed that the document in their possession bore the Imperial seal. There was, moreover, for the very few who knew the circumstances under which the alleged foreign member of the delegation left Seoul, the previous private confession of His Majesty made—to be sure—only after repeated private denials. The situation was, therefore, so far as the testimony of Koreans went, rather complex. His Majesty was now publicly denying what he had formerly, in private, both affirmed and denied; his delegates were publicly affirming what he was publicly denying, but had previously, in private, both denied and affirmed. To the Minister of the Imperial Household Marquis Ito replied that, in view of all the circumstances which had come to his knowledge—not the least significant of which was the public declaration of the Imperial sanction, made by the delegation and supported by its offer to submit its credentials to the inspection of the Conference—the force of His Majesty’s disavowal was weakened. At any rate, the situation had now become so grave that the only course the Resident-General could pursue was to submit the whole matter to his own Government and await its decision.[100]

The news from The Hague at once provoked a lively discussion on the part of the Japanese press and the political parties as to the proper treatment of Korea and her Emperor for this breach of treaty faith. Meetings were held by the leaders of the principal parties to determine the policy which should, in their judgment, be followed by the Government; and several of the more prominent statesmen allowed themselves to be interviewed for publication of their views upon this important national affair. Count Okuma was reported as having suggested that His Majesty of Korea, in case he had authorized a scheme so lacking in common sense, could not be in his right mind, and might, not improperly, be placed under restraint. Count Inouye, whose successful management of Korean affairs at the close of the Chino-Japan war entitled his judgment to public confidence, thought that if the Emperor could be induced, or compelled, to come to Japan and see for himself what Japan had done by way of recent developments, and what Japan wished to do for Korea, he would voluntarily cease from his unfriendly and treacherous policy.[101] Of the political bodies, the Constitutionalists, or party now in control of the Government, took the entire matter most quietly, and expressed itself as entirely ready to leave the whole situation in the hands of the Resident-General, as advised or instructed by the Tokyo authorities. Prime Minister Saionji, to whose cool judgment and quiet temper the nation is greatly indebted at all times for allaying tendencies to undue excitement, assured the Daido delegates, on July 12th, that the policy toward Korea had already been established and that there was really no need of making “much fuss” over the matter. The Progressives, or strongest anti-Government party, took the most vehement position of urgency for prompt action and for punitive measures. Some of its papers went so far as again to call in question the entire policy of Marquis Ito, with its plan for securing a peaceful development of Korea under a Japanese Protectorate; but only a few called for immediate forcible annexation.

On the whole, and considering the great and repeated provocations offered to Japan by the Korean Emperor and his Government, the Japanese nation kept its temper in a truly admirable way. While agreeing that some means must at last be found to stop the interference of His Majesty of Korea with all attempts to reform internal affairs, and the better in the future to control foreign intrigues, the general opinion favored strongly an increased confidence in the character and policy of the existing Residency-General. The situation in Japan itself was faithfully described as follows in the Japan Times, in its issue of July 14th:

The Hague Deputation question continues to attract serious attention. The whole Press is practically unanimous in urging the adoption of such measures as would effectively prevent the recurrence of similar incidents. The matter has also been taken up by nearly all the important political parties, and the attitude adopted by them is tantamount to an endorsement of the view so unanimously expressed through the newspaper organs. Very little attempt has been made, however, to point out in a concrete form the line of action to be taken. It is evident that, although a small section of the Press unfavorably criticizes Marquis Ito’s leniency in dealing with the Emperor, the important organs of opinion have so much confidence in His Excellency’s ability to cope with the situation with his characteristic wisdom and efficiency, that they do not think it necessary to trouble him with suggestions at to matters of procedure and detail.

The Tokyo Government acted with promptness and decision in dealing with this latest phase of the everlasting Korean problem. On July 16th it was publicly announced that the Government had determined to “go along with the opinion of the people,” and adopt “a strong line of action toward Korea.” Viscount Hayashi, Minister for Foreign Affairs, was forthwith appointed to convey in person the views of the Government to His Excellency Marquis Ito, and was commissioned with the disposal of Korean affairs after consultation with the Marquis on the spot. Hayashi bore with him several somewhat different plans, among which decision was to be reached after his arrival at Seoul; but all of them contemplated leaving the details very largely to the Resident-General. It is pertinent to say, with authority, in this connection, that none of these plans included, much less suggested or required, the abdication of the Emperor; although, as we have already seen, Marquis Ito had become quite conclusively convinced that the reform of Korean affairs could never be accomplished with the co-operation of the present ruler of the land, or, indeed, otherwise than in spite of his utmost opposition.

Meantime there was a great stir taking place among the members of the different political factions in Seoul. The Emperor himself, now that his own foolish treachery had been brought to light, was daily becoming more alarmed. The Court intriguers of necessity shared in this growing alarm. Before the departure of Viscount Hayashi, the Imperial Government of Japan had received a telegram from Mr. Motono, Minister in St. Petersburg, which stated that the new Russo-Japanese Convention would recognize Japan’s rights in Korea even more completely than the Peace of Portsmouth had done. The fact, now made evident to the Korean officials, that the backs of all the nations were turned toward the verbal and practical falsehoods of their Emperor and of his intriguing foreign friends, and that the judgment of all those wise in respect of Korean history and Korean characteristics saw no hope for their country except through the aid of Japan, tended as a matter of course to deepen this alarm. And when the determination of the Japanese Government to send one of its Cabinet Ministers to Korea, in order at once and finally to put an end to Korea’s power, in treachery, intrigue, and assassination, to work her own woe and to jeopard the peace of the Far East, was made known, the consternation in Seoul officialdom reached its height.

The only persons among the Koreans who could be relied upon in any measure to save the country from well-merited punishment for this last act of insane treachery on the part of the Emperor and his Court were the newly appointed Korean Cabinet. It was a great piece of good fortune for Korea that this Cabinet had previously been appointed and pledged to fidelity to the interests of the whole country rather than to connivance at His Majesty’s intriguing ways. On the whole, in this extreme emergency, the Korean Government behaved wisely, patriotically, and in a way to secure the crown and the people against the worst results of the Emperor’s policy. They began their efforts, indeed, in the vain attempt to discover the plans of the Japanese Government through the Resident-General and to get His Excellency’s advice upon the best course of action on their part in order to meet these plans. But Marquis Ito refrained alike from indicating the steps which would probably be taken by Japan and also from advising as to the steps which it was best for Korea to take.

The Korean Ministers were by this time holding daily conferences of several hours in length. The result of these conferences was the conclusion on their part that the abdication of the Emperor offered the only escape from the direful condition in which he had himself placed his country. As early, therefore, as an audience on the 6th of July, they began collectively and individually to urge upon His Majesty the advisability of this step. There is no doubt that they gave this advice the more heartily because, apart from the present dilemma, they were profoundly convinced that he was a bad and dangerous ruler, and that comparatively little could be done for the improvement of Korean affairs as long as he sat upon the throne of Korea. The occasion was opportune, then, for terminating such weak misrule and perversion of Imperial power.