In Korea with Marquis Ito

by George Trumbull Ladd

It should not be forgotten that the Korean Ministers were influenced by patriotic motives in unanimously and urgently demanding the abdication of the Emperor.[106] It immediately became evident, however, that His Majesty did not intend really to abdicate, but that he was continuing his old tricks of intrigue, double-dealing, and instigating assassination. There was well-founded suspicion—to quote a statement based on trustworthy information—that “the unfortunate incident of Friday last and the mutinous spirit prevailing among the Korean troops were the result of an understanding between the ex-Emperor and his abettors and supporters in Seoul.” There was even proof of a conspiracy to have the Korean troops rise in a body, kill the entire Korean Cabinet, and rescue from their dominating influence his “oppressed” Majesty. Whatever may be the full measure of truth as to these and other secret intrigues and plots for sedition and murder, certain actions were publicly avowed that were unmistakably in open defiance of the new Emperor and his Ministers, as well as complete proof that by abdication His Majesty meant something quite different from what the word was properly held to signify. [This Korean word was indeed capable of two interpretations; it was, however, the term customarily employed to signify the relinquishment of Imperial control and responsibility, while at the same time “saving the face” of the person abdicating and often increasing his real influence for evil.]

At midnight on Saturday, July 20th, the ex-Emperor summoned to the Palace and personally appointed Pak Yong-hio to be “Minister of the Imperial Household.”[107] Upon this Mr. Pak had the impudence to call upon Marquis Ito on the following Sunday morning and announce his appointment. It is probable that he did not meet with a very cordial reception, or succeed well in impressing His Excellency with the dignity and value of his new office. Not satisfied with this practical retraction of his own deposition of Imperial functions, when the Cabinet submitted to the Throne for Imperial signature a draft of an edict calling upon the people to keep peace and order, the ex-Emperor prohibited his son, now the reigning Emperor, from signing it and insisted that the edict should be issued in his own name. In view of all this manœuvering, the Cabinet Ministers spent another whole night closeted with the ex-Emperor: they emerged from this new contention with a renewed and perfectly positive declaration of abdication. At the same time the new Emperor issued over his own name an edict in which his subjects were warned against all disloyalty to him, and were exhorted to turn their energies, in reliance upon his guidance, to the advancement of civilization and of the national interests.

Nothing could, of course, be done toward settlement of the problem of future relations between the Governments of Korea and Japan until public order was restored. But speculation was eager and varied as to what would then take place: for neither had the Marquis Ito disclosed his views upon this subject, nor had the instructions of Minister Hayashi been made known to the public. The telegrams which came into Seoul from all quarters showed that the civilized world, both diplomatic and business, expected the out-and-out annexation of Korea by Japan, and the consequent dethronement of the Imperial house. The Koreans themselves expected little less; in addition to this they feared the immediate and open humiliation of having the ex-Emperor carried off to the enemies’ country. Indeed, it was this severe calamity which the Korean Cabinet hoped to mitigate by procuring His Majesty’s abdication. In the same hope the most numerous of the several Korean societies of an alleged patriotic character—the Il Chin-hoi, or “All-for-Progress Society”—sent in a petition, or “pathetic memorial,” to the Residency-General. After acknowledging “the policy of mildness and conciliation” which had won for His Excellency the hearts of the Korean people, the memorial proceeds in substance as follows: “The offence which the Emperor has committed in connection with the Hague question is great as a mountain; His Majesty has been very deficient in having a proper sense of what he owes to Japan. But what fault is there in the people who know nothing about the affair? Or what culpability in the land and soil of Korea? They are in no way related to the dynasty of Korea. When we think over these things we cannot stop the flow of tears in a thousand drops. Your Excellency, we pray you to have mercy on the mountains and seas of Korea and to place in a position of safety the 20,000,000 souls, the 3,000,000 homesteads, and the nation of 500 years,” [The customary expedient of Korean rhetoric is to be noted in doubling the number of the population of the peninsula.]

It has been said of the Japanese that they treat no one else so generously as their defeated and prostrate enemy. However this may be, it is matter of historical truth that after some particularly aggravating offence from Korea, what Western nations generally would regard as an excess of chivalric and totally unappreciated kindness has quite uniformly characterized the treatment accorded to this country by the Japanese Government. The Bismarckian policy of “making your enemy cough up all you can when you have him by the throat” has never been the policy of Japan in dealing with the peninsula. And yet, at last, it should have been perfectly evident to every true friend of both countries that the Korean Government—traditionally corrupt, cruel, and regardless of the Korean nation—must no longer be allowed to stand between this nation and the plans for bringing it into an improved internal condition and into safer relations with foreign Powers. That formal annexation was never contemplated by the Tokyo Government became evident when, on the evening of July 21st, a congratulatory telegram was received by the new Emperor from His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Japan. To this telegram a reply was sent on the next day, which read, in effect, as follows: “By the order of my Imperial father I have ascended the throne at this difficult crisis, and being conscious of my unworthiness, I am filled with apprehensions. I beg Your Majesty to accept my profound thanks for Your Majesty’s courteous telegram of congratulations. I warmly reciprocate Your Majesty’s wishes for still more intimate relationship between the two countries and between our Imperial Houses.”

After a number of consultations between Minister Hayashi and the Residency-General, and between the Japanese representatives and the Korean Cabinet (who, in their turn, consulted among themselves and with the new Emperor), at noon of Wednesday, July 24th, Marquis Ito handed over to the Korean Government a document conveying Japan’s proposals as the basis of a new Japanese-Korean agreement. After the Korean Ministers had again conferred with one another, the Premier and the Minister of War, at four o’clock P. M. of the same day, had a brief audience with their Emperor. Other conferences continued through the whole of this memorable night—with the result that at a later audience Mr. Yi Wan-yong, the Premier, was invested by His Majesty with authority to sign the new Convention. It is understood that on this occasion, as on that former equally memorable night in November of 1905, Marquis Ito used the authority given him to modify some of the details, so as to make them seem less harsh while preserving the substance of the contract, in order to “save the face” of the Korean Government. When this Convention was published in the Official Gazette, the Korean politicians of the Palace “gang” were congratulating themselves on having escaped so easily from the risk of a punitive expedition to which their Emperor, by their own assistance, had subjected them; the Korean Cabinet were congratulating themselves on the deliverance of their country from the peril of annexation; while the majority of the Korean people, even in Seoul, seemed quite indifferent to what had happened.

Immediately upon the conclusion of the new Convention Marquis Ito summoned to his residence the principal Residency-General officials and acquainted them with its terms. He also informed them that he should himself adhere constantly and firmly to the policy of carrying out its stipulations; and he exhorted them to bear in mind what he had just said and to spare no pains to discharge their own duties with moderation and efficiency. The officials, in their turn, congratulated the Resident-General upon his brilliant success, and promised their co-operation in the new plans now before them.

The Agreement of July 24, 1907, definitively places the enactment of all laws and ordinances, the administration of all important Korean Government affairs, and all official appointments which relate to internal administration, under the control of the Japanese Resident-General. Its preamble renews the assertion which has governed the policy of Marquis Ito throughout—namely, that the motive is to be found in “the early attainment of the prosperity and strength of Korea,” and the “speedy promotion of the welfare of the Korean people.” Moreover, it pledges the Korean Government to keep judicial affairs distinct from administrative affairs. With regard to the appointment and dismissal of officials of the higher rank, whether native or foreign, it is specified that the consent of the Resident-General must be secured; and also that his recommendations for the appointment of Japanese to official positions shall be followed. Taken in connection with the Convention of November, 1905, therefore, the present condition of Korea is undoubtedly that of a country completely dependent upon Japan for both internal government and also for commercial and diplomatic relations with all foreign countries. For the present the autonomy of Korea, except so far as it is preserved in certain customs and laws which even the source of control would be forced to regard, and in the nominal preservation of the Korean crown and its Cabinet Ministers, is suspended. The native government can suggest, propose, and assimilate suggestions and proposals; but they can neither initiate nor control in important affairs without the consent of the representative of Japan. On the other hand, the plans and proposals of the Japanese Resident-General must be accepted and carried out under his supervision and ultimate control.[108]

The clause in the new Convention which gave most offence to the official classes and to the Yang-bans generally in Korea was that which opened the door, per force as it were, to the appointment of Japanese to all kinds of official positions in the peninsula. Although it has been the declared policy of the present Resident-General to retain the Korean Cabinet Ministers, the agreement plainly makes it easily possible for the Japanese Government to treat desirable appointments in Korea as freely in the interests of its own countrymen as is possible for the British Government in British India. The pledge, however, to maintain the Imperial House in the nominal possession of the crown, and in the show of authority and dignity which go with this possession, appears still to be binding upon Japan. From this time onward, the Resident-General becomes the uncrowned king of Korea.