‘’Tis inseparable from the fortunes of our Edwards to triumph over your nation,’ he said.
‘Do you mean,’ retorted Fletcher, ‘Edward of Carnarvon and his victory at Bannockburn?’
The altercation was stopped by Sir Christopher, who adroitly changed the subject, and asked Fletcher what he thought of an Union between England and Ireland.
‘The better conditions you give them,’ Fletcher represents himself as saying, ‘the greater wisdom you will show.’
‘But you do not consider,’ said Sir Christopher, ‘that Ireland lies more commodiously situated for trade, and has better harbours than England, and if they had the same freedom and privileges, might carry the trade from us.’
‘Ay,’ said Fletcher, ‘there ’tis. Trade is the constant stumbling-block and ball of contention. But do you think that if Ireland, by a just and equal Union with England, should increase in riches, such an increase would prove so prejudicial to England, where the seat of the Government is?’
Sir Christopher argued that England, having conquered Ireland, had a right to use the Irish people ‘at discretion.’
‘Then,’ replied Fletcher, ‘you have a right to do injustice.’
‘’Tis not injustice,’ said Sir Christopher, ‘because it is our right.’ The danger, he argued, is that Ireland may break away from England, and ‘set up a distinct Government in opposition to our right, and perhaps with the ruin of this nation.’ ‘What can tempt and provoke them so much,’ asked Fletcher, ‘to do so, as unjust usage?’ ‘But the surest way’, was the reply, ‘is to put it out of their power to separate from us.’ ‘If so,’ said Fletcher, ‘you must own your way of governing that people to be an oppression; since your design is to keep them low and weak, and not to encourage either virtue or industry.’
He went on to expound his theory, which was that London should no longer be the only seat of Government, but that England, Scotland, and Ireland should be joined together in a federal Union. ‘That London,’ he said, ‘should draw the riches and government of the three kingdoms to the south-east corner of this island, is in some degree as unnatural as for one city to possess the riches and government of the world.... I shall add that so many different seats of Government will highly encourage virtue. For all the same offices that belong to a great kingdom must be in each of them; with this difference, that the offices of such a kingdom being always burdened with more business than any one man can rightly execute, most things are abandoned to the rapacity of servants; and the extravagant profits of great officers plunge them into all manner of luxury, and debauch them from doing good; whereas the offices of these lesser Governments, extending only over a moderate number of people, will be duly executed, and many men have occasions put into their hands of doing good to their fellow-citizens. So many different seats of Government will highly tend to the improvement of all arts and sciences, and afford great variety of entertainment to all foreigners, and others of a curious and inquisitive genius, as the ancient cities of Greece did.’