VIII. The Post-Servian Equites
The classes, as developed after Servius, have now been considered sufficiently for an appreciation of their relation to the comitia centuriata. It remains to discuss from the same point of view the post-Servian alterations in the equestrian organization.
In the earliest period when the warriors in general equipped themselves at their own expense,[549] the equites provided their own horses. But in time as the patricians ceased to be the only wealthy class in the community, and as they began to lose their political advantages, their duty of keeping one or two horses came to be felt as onerous, and some means of lightening it was sought for. The only private property which was free from the burden of supporting military service was that of widows and orphans. The government determined accordingly to levy a regular contribution on this class of estates in the interest of the equites. The eques was allowed ten thousand asses, or one thousand denarii (aes equestre), with which to purchase his horse or horses for the ten years of service and two thousand asses (aes hordearium) annually for maintenance.[550] He was not paid the money in advance, but was given security for the required sums,[551] which were gradually to be made good from the special kind of tax here described. When these equestrian funds were first granted cannot be absolutely determined. Cicero[552] assigns their institution to Tarquinius Priscus, Livy[553] to Servius, Plutarch[554] to Camillus in the year of his censorship, 377. For obvious reasons the earlier dates are suspicious, whereas the last has the advantage of connecting the institution of these funds with the general movement for the public support of military service. When in the war with Veii regular military pay was introduced, the eques on account of his more burdensome duty, perhaps too because of his higher rank, was allowed three times the pay of the legionary.[555] It was afterward decided to deduct the aes hordearium, probably also the aes equestre, from his pay.[556] Meanwhile as wars were waged on an ever increasing scale, the patricians, who were dwindling in number, could not furnish all the cavalry needed. This want was especially felt in the struggle with Veii, whereupon wealthy plebeian youths[557] came forward and offered to serve with their own horses.[558] This is the first known instance of voluntary equestrian duty, doubtless often repeated at crises during the remainder of the republican period. In the first case at least the state provided for the keep of the horses. The volunteers were of the same grade of wealth as the conscripts; they were held in equal honor,[559] and most probably their years of voluntary service were counted in with their regular duty in making up the required number.[560] Service equo privato could also be imposed as a punishment. The only known instance, however, was that required by the censors of 209 of the equites who had disgraced themselves at Cannae. Their horses were taken from them, their campaigns equo publico were not counted to their credit, but they were required to serve ten years equis privatis.[561] These are the only instances of service with private horses mentioned in history. In all ancient literature is no suggestion that the equites equo privato formed a rank by themselves or were an institution.[562] It should also be said that the injustice of furnishing some with horses and of compelling others to go to war at their own expense, unless by way of punishment, was contrary to the spirit of the constitution. This conclusion is supported by the elder Pliny’s[563] definition of the military equites, which makes the public horse an essential. From the time therefore when the state began to support the mounted service in the way described above, the equites equis publicis continued to be the only regular citizen horsemen.
The number of equites with public horses is approximately determined for any time by the number of legions then enrolled. The Servian phalanx, as has been noted,[564] consisted of two legions, which remained the normal number through the fifth century. But in the wars with Samnium and Pyrrhus Rome was able regularly to support four legions.[565] The military force could not have been doubled before the incorporation of the Veientan territory early in the fourth century;[566] most probably the enlargement belongs to still later time. The increase in the infantry required a corresponding enlargement of the mounted service. At least twelve hundred equites were henceforth required for active duty. Making allowance for reserves and ineffectives, the government raised the number of equites equo publico to eighteen hundred. The twelve new centuries were open alike to patricians and plebeians, whereas the old six remained for a time exclusively patrician. This seems to have been the condition at the opening of the first war with Carthage. During the Punic wars the number varied greatly, sometimes reaching a total of more than five thousand in the field, not counting reserves.[567] After the war with Hannibal the state, drained of men and money, allowed the cavalry to dwindle.[568] Viewing this condition with alarm, the elder Cato[569] urged that the number should be increased, and that a minimal limit be fixed at 2200. Probably at the same time he proposed that the legion should be strengthened. His measure must have been adopted, for after his censorship we find the legion regularly consisting of 5200 foot and 300 horse.[570] Under Augustus there were times when 5000 equites[571] equo publico took part in the parade which he revived.[572] As no reason can be found why Augustus should suddenly increase this class, we must conclude that there were probably about 5000 equites equo publico in the late republic.
As long as the cavalry remained exclusively patrician, a census qualification was precluded. Though Cicero and Livy refer the equestrian census to Servius Tullius, their vagueness on this point shows that they lacked definite information.[573] It must have been introduced at the time when the patriciate ceased to be an essential qualification, when the levy came to be made on the basis of wealth rather than of blood. This change should be assigned to the early part of the fourth century B.C.[574] For a time the census was that of the first class.[575] In 214 it was still 100,000 asses, or not much above, as has already been proved.[576] In the late republic and under the emperors the minimal rating was 400,000 sesterces.[577] When it was raised to this amount is unknown.
I. The Early Graeco-Italian Phalanx: Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, i, ii (see Contents); Bauer, A., Griechische Kriegsaltertümer; Droysen, H., Kriegsalterthümer der Griechen, in Hermann’s Lehrb. der griech. Antiquitäten, ii. 1-74; Gilbert, Constitutional Antiquities of Sparta and Athens (see Index and Contents); Lammert, E., Geschichtliche Entwickelung der griech. Taktik, in N. Jahrb. f. kl. Alt. iii (1899). 1-29; Die neuesten Forschungen auf antiken Schlachtfeldern im Griechenland, in N. Jahrb. f. d. kl. Philol. xiii (1904). 195-212, 252-79, contains some matters of interest for the present subject, though it treats mainly of the time after Alexander; Fröhlich, F., Beiträge zur Kriegsführung und Kriegskunst der Römer zur Zeit der Republik; Schiller, Röm. Kriegsaltertümer, in Müller’s Hdb. d. kl. Altwiss. iv. 707 ff.; on earlier literature, 714 f., 728 f., 733, 737, 741, 744; Leinveber, A., Die Legion von Livius, in Philol. lxi. N. F. xv (1902). 32-41, a specialist in military science; Nitzsch, K. W., Das Verhältniss von Heer und Staat in der röm. Republik, in Hist. Zeitschr. vii (1862). 133-58; Liers, H., Kriegswesen der Alten; Delbrück, Geschichte der Kriegskunst im Rahmen der politischen Geschichte, bks. i, iv, best authority; Die römische Manipulartaktik, in Hist. Zeitschr. N. F. xv (1884). 239-64; Niese, B., Ueber Wehrverfassung, Dienstpflicht, und Heerwesen Griechenlands, ibid, xcviii (1907). 263-301, 473-506; Arnim, H., Ineditum Vaticanum, in Hermes, xxvii (1892). 118-30, the portion of Greek text used is on p. 121; Wendling, E., Zu Posidonius und Varro, in Hermes, xxviii (1893). 335-53, on the source of the Ined Vat.; Bruncke, H., in N. Philol. Rundschau (1888) 40-4; Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, i. 364-72; Müller, J. J., Studien zur röm. Verfassungsgeschichte, in Philol. xxxiv (1876). 96-136; Helbig, Sur les attributs des saliens, in Mémoires de l’académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, xxxvii² (1905). 205-76; on the same subject, in Comptes rendus de l’acad. etc. 1904. ii. 206-12.
II. The Military and Political Centuries and Classes: Niebuhr, B. G., Röm. Geschichte, i. 451-511, Eng. 197-236; Schwegler, Röm. Geschichte, I. bk. xvii; Huschke, Ph. E., Verfassung des Königs Servius Tullius, especially chs. iv, vii, viii; Peter, C., Epochen der Verfassungsgeschichte der röm. Republik; Studien zur röm. Geschichte, controverts Mommsen’s view as to the military character of the Servian institutions; Mommsen, History of Rome, bk. I. ch. vi; De apparitoribus magistratuum romanorum, in Rhein. Mus. N. F. vi (1846). 1-57, includes some account of the accensi; Röm. Tribus, 59-72, 121-143, 160 ff.; Röm. Staatsr. iii. 240 ff.; Röm. Forschungen, i. 134-40; Willems, P., Droit public Rom. 40, 43, 84-92; Mispoulet, J. B., Institutions politiques des Romains, i. 203-7; Lange, L., Röm. Altertümer, i. 522-66; Cicero über die servianische Centurienverfassung, in Kleine Schriften, i. 227-234; Herzog, Geschichte und System der röm. Staatsverfassung, i. 37-43, 1066 f.; Ihne, W., History of Rome, bk. I. ch. vii; Early Rome, 51-4, 79, 132-9; Entstehung der servianischen Verfassung, in Symbola Philologorum Bonnensium (1864-1867). 629-44; Breda, Die Centurienverfassung des Servius Tullius; Genz, H., Servianische Centurien-Verfassung; Soltau, W., Altröm. Volksversammlungen, 229-96; Ullrich, J., Centuriatcomitien; Le Tellier, M., L’Organisation centuriate et les comices par centuries, ch. i; Hallays, A., Les comices à Rome; Morlot, É., Les comices électoraux, ch. iii; Moye, M., Élections politiques sous la république Rom. chs. iii, iv, vii; Müller, ibid.; Neumann, K. J., Grundherrschaft der röm. Republik, die Bauernbefreiung, und die Entstehung der servianischen Verfassung, speculative but very suggestive; Greenidge, A. H. J., Roman Public Life, 65-76; Legal Procedure of Cicero’s Time, 307 ff.; Schott, P. O., Röm. Geschichte im Lichte der neuesten Forschungen; Smith, F., Röm. Timokratie; Pardon, De aerariis; Maue, H., Der praefectus fabrum; Bloch, A., Le praefectus Fabrum, pt. ii, in Musée Belge, ix (1905). 352-78; Babelon, E., Monnaies de la république Rom. I. pts. i, ii; Traité des monnaies Grecq. et Rom. i; Origines de la monnaie; Samwer-Bahrfeldt, Geschichte des alten röm. Münzwesens; Hill, G. F., Greek and Roman Coins, 45-9; Regling, Zum älteren röm. und ital. Münzen, in Klio, vi (1906). 489-524; Belot, É., De la révolution économique et monétaire ... à Rome; articles in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl.: Accensi, i. 135-7 (Kubitschek); Adscriptivi, i. 422 (Cichorius); Adsiduus, i. 426 (Kubitschek); Aerarius, i. 674-6 (idem); As, ii. 1499-1513 (idem); Capite censi, iii. 1521-3 (Kübler); Census, iii. 1914-24 (Kubitschek); Centuria, iii. 1952-62 (Kübler, Domazewski, Kubitschek); Classis, iii. 2630-32 (Kübler); Collegium, iv. 380-480 (Kornemann); Comitia, iv. 679-715 (Liebenam); Cornicines, iv. 1602 f. (Fiebiger); Denarius, v. 202-15 (Hultsch); articles in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict.: Accensus, i. 16 ff. (Humbert and others); As, i. 454-64 (Lenormant); Census, ii. 1003-17 (Humbert); Centuria, ii. 1017 (idem); Classis, i. 1224 f. (idem); Comices centuriates, s. Comitia, ii. 1378 ff. (idem); articles in Ruggiero, E., Dizionario epigrafico: Accensus, i. 18-21; Aerarius, i. 311-3; Aes, i. 313 f.; Centuria, ii. 183-9; Censor, ii. 157 ff.; Census, ii. 174-7; Cornicines, ii. 1213-6; Fabri, iii. 4-18 (Libenam); Olcott, Thes. ling. lat. ep. i. 51: Accensus; Pais, E., Ancient Legends of Roman History, ch. vii.
III. The Equites: Niebuhr, ibid. i. 415-22, Eng. 197-200; Schwegler, ibid. i. 756-60; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 444-7, 523, 547-51; Recension über K. Niemeyer, De equitibus romanis commentatio historica, in Kleine Schriften, i. 113-37; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 397-400; iii. 106-9, 253-62; Madvig, J. N., Verfassung und Verwaltung des röm. Staates, i. 155-82; Mispoulet, J. B., Études d’institutions Rom. 151-226; Bloch, G., Origines du sénat Rom. 46-95; Marquardt, J., Historiae equitum romanorum libri iv; Gomont, M. H., Chevaliers Rom. depuis Romulus jusqu’à Galba; Niemeyer, K., De equitibus romanis commentatio historica; Rubino, J., Ueber das Verhältniss der VI Suffragia zur röm. Ritterschaft, in Zeitschr. f. d. Altertumswiss. iv (1846). 212-39; Bertolini, C. I., I celeres ed il tribunus celerum; Belot, É., Histoire des chevaliers Rom. 2 vols.; Gerathewohl, H., Die Reiter und die Rittercenturien zur Zeit der röm. Republik, valuable; Kubitschek, J. W., Aes equestre, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. i. 682-4; Kübler, Equites Romani, ibid. vi. 272-312; Martin, A., Equites (Greek), in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. ii. 752-71; Cagnat, R., Equites (Roman), ibid. ii. 771-89; Helbig, W., Observations sur les ἱππεῖς Athéniens, in Comptes rendus de l’académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1900. 516-22; Les ἱππεῖς Athéniens, in Mémoires de l’acad. etc. xxxvii¹ (1904). 157-264; Die ἱππεῖς und ihre Knappen, in Jahreshefte des österr. archäol instituts, viii. 2. 185-202; Peterson, E., Zu Helbigs ἱππεῖς, etc., ibid., 125 f.; Helbig, Zur Geschichte des röm. Equitatus, A. Die Equites als berittene Hopliten, in Abhdl. d. bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. xxiii (1905). 267-317; Die Castores als Schutzgötter des röm. Equitatus, in Hermes, xl (1905). 101-15; Contribution à l’histoire de l’equitatus, in Comptes rendus de l’acad. des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1904. ii. 190-201; Pellegrini, G., Fregi arcaici etruschi in terracotta, etc., in Milani, L. A., Studi e materiali archeol. e numis. i. 87-118.