The increasing number of special judiciary commissions and the institution of standing courts limited more and more the judicial activity of the centuriate assembly; but the tribunes of the plebs kept alive the feeling of popular sovereignty in this sphere by the occasional prosecution of some notorious offender.[1536] The continuance of the centuriate judicial function is proved by the Cassian plebiscite of 137, which provided for the use of the ballot in all iudicia populi excepting in perduellio,[1537] and by the lex Caelia, 108, which removed the exception.[1538]
The limitation upon popular jurisdiction by the special court is said to have begun as early as 414, when, according to Livy,[1539] a senatus consultum authorized the appointment of a quaestio extraordinaria to discover and punish the murderers of M. Postumius, a tribune of the soldiers with consular power. The plebs, consulted as to the presidency of the court, left it to the consuls. The instance may be an anticipation of later usage. The case of wholesale poisoning by Roman matrons, 331, was investigated, and a hundred and seventy matrons were condemned, by an extraordinary court, which evidently owed its existence to a senatus consultum without the coöperation of the people.[1540] The same is true of the quaestio appointed by the senate under dictatorial presidency in 314 to inquire into charges of conspiracy of the leading men in certain allied states. The dictator extended the inquiry to Rome, and after his resignation the consuls continued the work. Livy’s account of this affair assumes that the senate had full power to appoint such commissions.[1541] It did in fact possess the right without the coöperation of the people to institute quaestiones extraordinariae for the trial of allies or other aliens in crimes which menaced the security of Rome. In the period between the Hortensian legislation and the Gracchi in two recorded instances it dared on its own responsibility to appoint such courts for the trial of citizens.[1542] These were usurpations; for as the laws of appeal forbade the putting to death of a citizen unless condemned by the people, a special court with capital jurisdiction over citizens could not be constitutionally established excepting with the consent of the assembly. This right of the people was considered a legislative equivalent of their judicial power, which the vast expansion of their state made it impossible for them directly to exercise.[1543] The court which tried and condemned the insurgent garrison of Rhegium in 270 was instituted accordingly by a plebiscite authorized by a senatus consultum.[1544] Most probably the court in this case was the senate itself, just as in 210, when the plebiscite of L. Atilius gave it full power to judge and punish the Campanians for revolt.[1545] The appointment of special courts for the detection and punishment of aliens for illegal usurpation of the citizenship, which belonged originally to the senate, began in 177 to be shared by the people.[1546]
Similar in character to the special judiciary commission appointed by the senate, but far more sweeping in effect, was the senatus consultum ultimum (“videant consules, ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat”), which in crises armed the consuls with absolute power of life and death over the citizens.[1547] By these means the senate at its pleasure circumvented the laws of appeal on the plea that the accused had ceased to be citizens.[1548] Against this abuse Ti. Gracchus planned a new law of appeal, which he did not live to see enacted.[1549] His own followers were ruthlessly condemned without the privilege of appeal by an extraordinary quaestio under P. Popillius Laenas, consul in 132.[1550] Probably a similar court was appointed after the revolt of Fregellae.[1551] To put an end to such circumvention of a well-established right of the people, C. Gracchus in his first tribunate, 123, carrying into effect the plan of his brother, passed the often mentioned lex Sempronia de provocatione, which absolutely forbade capital sentence upon a citizen without an order of the people.[1552] The wording indicates that it was intended not to do away with extraordinary courts and powers, but to allow their establishment in no other way than by popular vote.[1553] It reiterated, too, the article of the Porcian statute which absolutely forbade the infliction of the death penalty on civilians.[1554] Far, however, from transferring the jurisdiction of the assembly to the quaestiones, the Sempronian law evidently confirmed the right of the people by enacting that the tribunes might bring the violator of that law before the comitia on a charge of perduellio, for which it mentioned the penalty of interdict from fire and water.[1555] It held responsible not only the magistrate charged with the extraordinary commission, but probably also the senator who moved or supported the measure which called it into being.[1556] The entire Sempronian law was made retroactive, so as to cover the case of Popillius, who thereupon fled into exile to avoid trial. The interdict was accordingly decreed by the tribes on the motion of Gaius.[1557] Rupilius, the colleague of Popillius, seems to have suffered a similar punishment.[1558]
In 120 the tribune Decius prosecuted for perduellio L. Opimius, who, as consul in 121, armed with the senatus consultum ultimum, had caused the death of C. Gracchus. The accused was acquitted.[1559] Ihne[1560] considers this prosecution to have been instigated by the optimates in order to settle once for all and in their favor the question as to the legality of special courts which were called into being by an act of the senate alone. In that case acquittal was a foregone conclusion. In 119 the popular party met with greater success in the prosecution of C. Papirius Carbo, whom it hated as a renegade.[1561] The charge was probably perduellio, though the details are unknown.[1562]
The jurisdiction of the comitia in criminal cases suffered more extensive curtailment from the standing courts,—quaestiones perpetuae,—the first of which was established in 149 for the trial of Roman officials accused of extortion—repetundae—committed in the provinces or in Italy.[1563] As the object of the prosecutors was in the main the recovery of extorted property, the court was essentially civil, and seemed, therefore, to the Romans no infringement of popular rights; yet even before Sulla the principle began to apply to distinctly criminal cases.[1564] Notwithstanding this development several accusations were brought before the centuriate assembly in the period between the Gracchi and Sulla.[1565] The latter increased the number of quaestiones to seven and brought all crimes within their cognizance. The questorian jurisdiction in cases of murder had already passed to the quaestio inter sicarios, established between 149 and 141;[1566] and now Sulla transferred cases of perduellio from the jurisdiction of the tribunes to the quaestio maiestatis.[1567] Although restored to the tribunes in 70, it was for the remainder of the republican period exercised by them on special occasions only, for the quaestio maiestatis still existed. With the establishment of the principate the jurisdiction of the people finally vanished.[1568]
The revolutionary character of the period after Sulla is illustrated by the case of perduellio against C. Rabirius[1569] brought in 63 by a tribune of the plebs, T. Atius Labienus. Rabirius was charged with complicity in the murder of L. Appuleius Saturninus, the famous tribune of the year 100. Labienus proposed and carried a plebiscite requiring the praetor to appoint duumviri for the trial, whereas it was generally held at the time that these officials should have been elected by the people. It was also enacted, in violation of the Porcian and Sempronian laws, that in case of conviction the accused should be crucified on the Campus Martius. C. and L. Caesar, appointed duumviri, brought the case before the comitia centuriata, which were prevented from giving their verdict by the removal of the flag from Janiculum.[1570] The object of the trial was not to punish the guilty, but to discredit the senate, to which the accused belonged.[1571] The decline of the idea of popular sovereignty is further indicated by the agrarian rogation of the tribune P. Servilius Rullus, 63, an article of which, in violation of the lex Valeria Horatia de provocatione, ordered the appointment of decemviri agris adsignandis without appeal.[1572]
The procedure was the same in all finable and capital actions. In a case subject to appeal the magistrate, after a preliminary inquiry (quaestio), summoned the people to contio on the third day[1573] for a thorough examination (anquisitio).[1574] The trumpeter blew his horn before the door of the accused, and cited him to appear at daybreak in the place of assembly.[1575] Acting as accuser, the magistrate addressed the contio and produced his witnesses. Then came the witnesses for the defence, the statement of the accused, and the pleading of his counsel. These proceedings filled three contiones separated from one another by a day’s interval. At the end of the third day’s session the magistrate acquitted the accused or condemned him and fixed the penalty. In case of condemnation, the accused if dissatisfied appealed. The magistrate then put his sentence in the form of a rogation and set a date for the comitia,[1576] which could be held only after an interval of a trinum nundinum,[1577] unless the accused desired an earlier trial.[1578] Some scholars, however, hold the theory that a magistrate, recognizing the limitation of his competence, might bring the case directly to the comitia without the formality of a condemnation and appeal.[1579] The penalty proposed in the rogation was not necessarily the same as at first announced; for the trial might bring to light facts to mitigate or to aggravate the sentence. The presentation of the case to the comitia by the magistrate was termed the fourth accusation.[1580] If anything prevented the voting in the comitia, the accused was discharged,[1581] and could not be legally brought to trial again for the same offence excepting under a different form of action.[1582]
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