The principal force of public opinion created by the sacrifices of the war expressed itself in the movement for a League of Nations to guarantee peace. In Germany this movement was especially strong. For Germany was left without other protection than that which it could get from such internationalism. Any suggestion that could strengthen the League or Germany's claim to participate in it was eagerly grasped.
A private suggestion that the German Constitution should contain a formal recognition of the League and be the first national constitution to do so, was at once adopted by the very cautious and conservative Committee. Another from a similar source that the German proposals for the League should correct the democratic deficiencies of the Paris project was also adopted. The German scheme for a League was, indeed, in every respect better than that of the Allies.[9] But the Paris project and the provisions of the Treaty hopelessly prejudiced the whole idea of the League with German progressives. After their publication the clause recognising the precepts of the League and the provisions of Treaties as the supreme law of the land disappeared[10] from Art. 4 of the Constitution. The League of Paris and the Treaty of Versailles are now to be obeyed as "force majeure"—they are not recognised as German law. And whereas the League could have secured from Germany a willing acceptance of obligations that would not only have guaranteed the peace of Europe so far as the German race was concerned, but would also have made good to some extent the ruin of the last war, now it is looked upon throughout Germany as mere cynical camouflage. The German, whether nationalist or internationalist, listens to American or English preachments about the League with despair and disgust.
Here is one such opinion from my note book: "I can endure with patience Germany being robbed of everything that is easily rob-able and even its being reduced to economic servitude. But what I cannot stand is the confidence trick of Wilson's 'points' and the camouflage of the League of Nations. Bismarck in respect of his Emperor and Bethmann-Hollweg in respect of Belgium both committed a breach of trust, but they did it under necessity of war. Wilson in his Fourteen Points and Lord Robert Cecil in the League have done the same in the name of peace."
Already the internationalism of Germany and Central Europe is under the pressure of Paris, taking a form almost impossible to reconcile with the form of this League of Nations. Until the appearance of the Paris project for the League and the peace conditions, Germany, whether national or international, was wholeheartedly a supporter of it. But now it is not too much to say that the League is moribund, not only in Germany, but in continental Europe generally, as an ideal. Its place is rapidly being taken by the ideal of an International Council on a basis of social and industrial representation, instead of that of a League on a basis of national or territorial representation. Just as the leaders of the German workmen and the younger Democrats caught at the theories of Guild Socialism, so now they are turning eagerly to a new idea, also introduced from England, of an international Soviet system—an organisation that will be really international because, instead of being based as is the Wilsonian League on the nationalism of States, it will be based on the internationalism of trades. That will have as its sanction an international strike instead of a national boycott, and as its authority a Central Council of delegates instead of a Conference of diplomats. This development would have come in due course anyway, but a successful Wilsonian League might have delayed it even as the prestige of the House of Commons is delaying Council government, and as the prestige of the Crown delayed Parliamentary government itself.
To us Liberals and Labour folk here in England—relieved at getting a League in any form and ready as we English always are to make the best of what we've got, however bad—this international Council movement may seem to be a waste of strength. For it would seem likely to require the full force of all progressive continental movements to get the League of Nations put on a democratic basis. But the attitude of America makes it doubtful whether the League can be so developed as to do more good than harm. And in any case the movement for an International Council will proceed concurrently and will help rather than harm the movement for an International Parliament. Nor will it encounter the same difficulties. The international organisation of labour provides a better medium in which to establish an international institution than does the present international organisation of governments—the Foreign Offices and Foreign Missions. Moreover, it should prove as easy to extend a Soviet System or Council Commonwealth into the international relationship as it is difficult and dangerous to extend the principle of State Sovereignty and Parliamentary supremacy there. The Council Commonwealth, with its essentially international basis, with its democracy of superimposed councils in constant contact with each other and with the international strike for sanction, is as sound and safe a foundation for such a superstructure as the Parliamentary State, with its long-term parliaments, its large constituencies, its all-dominating national sentiment and its national blockade or boycott, is unsound. Anyway, the International Industrial Congress and Executive Council are bound to come, either in substitution for or supplementary to the League of Nations, just as the National Council Congress and Central Council are bound to come either in substitution for or supplementary to the parliamentary systems. The only question is whether they will come as supplementary to or in substitution for the League.
As to the sop thrown to the workmen of the world in Section 8 of the Treaty, with its international labour organisation, the German workmen, at least, have no use for it. The revolutionaries with their Independent leaders would not probably co-operate at all in the proceedings at Washington now beginning. The Trades Unionists and Social-Democrats have done so, but under no illusions as to results. A criticism of their organ, Vorwärts, points out that this section is inspired by as profound a distrust of the Proletariat as the rest of the Treaty shows of Prussia; and that the provisions as to submission of agenda some months before, as to veto by the Governments except when there is a two-thirds majority, while the workmen's representation is no more than a fourth, and as to enforcing decisions, deprive the whole section of most of its value. The Vorwärts, representing the general point of view now dominant in Germany and the point of view which but for other influences would have given the most sympathetic supporters to such procedure as that proposed, now damns it as humbug.
But whatever the form of the eventual international institution may be, one fact must be faced. We have not yet made peace with Germany. If the Paris treaties with Germany, Austria and Bulgaria have appeased the angry passions excited by war and finally discredited secret diplomacy, they will have fulfilled a function and cleared the road for peace. The armistice demands were the first stage to peace—these diplomatic damnifications the second. What will be the third and last?
FOOTNOTES:
[8] This telegram had, I believe, a curious backlash, rather illustrative of the times in Germany. A countess with political ambitions, who had set up an Independent salon, had had that Friday her usual "evening," at which I had looked in for a few minutes. On Monday she was arrested and banished to a provincial townlet for supplying false information to a foreign correspondent. Needless to say, one did not need a countess to tell one that Germany would sign in its collapsed condition.