[5] Lettre à M. Isidore de Lowenstern sur les Inscriptions cunéiformes de l’Assyrie (Œuvres, vol. i. p. 109). M. de Lowenstern had already by a kind of happy intuition hit upon the name, but without being able to give a reason for his transliteration.
[6] This latter hypothesis was sustained, with more erudition, perhaps, than tact or taste, by Dr. Hœfer. A skilful historian of chemistry, he was by no means an archæologist. He had no feeling for the differences between one style and another. See the Memoires sur les Ruines de Ninive, addressés à l’Académie des Inscriptions, par Ferd. Hœfer [20th February and 24th May, 1850]; see especially the second paper: De l’Âge et du Caractère des Monuments découverts à Khorsabad, à Nimroud, à Kouioundjik, à Karamles et à Kaleh-Shergat, Paris, Didot, 1850. His assertions were refuted by de Longperier in the first part of his paper entitled: Antiquités assyriénnes, published in 1850, in the Revue archéologique, (Œuvrcs, vol. i. p. 139).
[7] Art in Ancient Egypt, vol. i. chapter xi. § 2.
[8] Place, Ninive, vol. i. p. 38, Esarhaddon was the chief offender in this respect.
[9] See G. Perrot, Souvenirs d’un Voyage en Asia Mineure, p. 50.
[10] This preconceived notion explains the erroneous title he gave to his great work: Monument de Ninive, découvert et décrit par P. E. Botta, mesuré et dessiné par E. Flandin, published at the expense of the state at the Imprimerie nationale, Paris, 1849, 5 vols, folio (1 volume of text, 4 of plates).
[11] The palace platform was not quite in the centre of the north-western face. The Assyrians were no fonder of a rigid symmetry than the Egyptians.
[12] Place, Ninive, vol. iii. plate 7.
[13] In this plan the darkest parts are those discovered by M. Botta; the more lightly shaded lines show the rooms and courts excavated by his successor.
[14] Place, Ninive, vol. iii. plate 18 bis.