“Certainly. So will you one day.”
“I am a good democrat, and I believe in the principles of the American Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.”
“Quite so—as long as they are permitted to hold; but when your revolution comes they will go down with the rest, and then you will no longer be a democrat.” The pronounced roll of William’s r-r-r-r’s made him utter the last word as if he hated it.
“And I suppose you think the Monroe Doctrine would go too?”
“It would be as well to begin a new government on a sensible international basis,” said the Emperor dryly. “That doctrine only maintains its fictitious life by the courtesy, or perhaps I should say the indifference—the present indifference—of Europe. It means nothing until you have established it by force of arms. It would be better to abandon it gracefully while there is yet time.”
The two men were picking their way through an uneven pass. Fessenden halted and leaned against the wall of rock. He fixed his eyes, which in the brilliant night light shone like steel, on the imperious and searching orbs that swung round him abruptly.
“It is by converting the Monroe Doctrine from a theory into a principle of international law without a war with Europe that I propose to make my fame,” he said.
William’s pale face twitched, then settled into its hardest lines. He returned Fessenden’s stare, and there was neither friendship nor good-fellowship in his eyes; he was a monarch on the alert in the presence of the enemy. It was a moment before he spoke; then he said coldly:
“It is a large and, no doubt, patriotic idea. I shall be interested to watch the method develop. When shall you get to work? When shall Europe have its first astonished glimpse of your purpose?”
“Europe will know nothing until it is too late to interfere; but I shall tell you the whole scheme now.”