In like manner, one might consider each of the race distinctions recognized in the law and show how it may be applied so as not to work a discrimination against either race and, as easily, how it may be used to work an injustice to the weaker race. A race distinction connotes a difference and nothing more. A discrimination necessarily implies partiality and favoritism.
LEGAL AND ACTUAL DISTINCTIONS
There is a difference between actual race distinctions—those practiced every day without the sanction of law—and legal race distinctions—those either sanctioned or required by statutes or ordinances. Law is crystallized custom. Race distinctions now recognized by law were habitually practiced long before they crystallized into statutes. Thus, actual separation of races on railroad coaches—if not in separate coaches, certainly in separate seats or portions of the coach—obtained long before the “Jim Crow” laws came into existence. Moreover, miscegenation was punished before the legislature made it a crime. Some race distinctions practiced to-day will probably be sanctioned by statute in the future; others will persist as customs. In some Southern cities, for instance, there are steam laundries which will not accept Negro patronage. Everywhere in the South and in many places in other sections, there are separate churches for the races. It is practically a universal custom among the white people in the South never to address a Negro as “Mister” or “Mistress.” This custom obtains to some extent elsewhere. Thus, in a recent case before a justice of the peace in Delaware in which the parties were Negroes, one of them insisted upon speaking of another Negro as “Mister.” The justice forbade him so to do, and, upon his persisting, fined him for contempt. Yet, these distinctions and many others that might be cited are not required by law, and some of them, if expressed in statutes, would be unconstitutional.
Most race distinctions, however, are still uncrystallized. But these will be mentioned merely for illustration, since the purpose here is to discuss only those distinctions which have been expressed in constitutions, statutes, and judicial decisions. Mr. Ray Stannard Baker in his “Following the Colour Line,”[[1]] has admirably depicted actual race relations in the United States. He has gone in person out upon the cotton plantations of the Lower South; into the Negro districts of cities in the South, East, and North; into schools, churches, and court rooms; and has described how the Negro lives, what he does, what he thinks about himself and about the white man, and what the white man thinks about him. By studying the race distinctions he describes from the other standpoint suggested—that is, by tracing their gradual crystallization into statutes and judicial decisions, a better understanding may be had of race distinctions in general.
ALL RACE ELEMENTS INCLUDED
Attention will be directed not only to the Negro but to other races in the United States—the Mongolian in the Far West and the Indian in the Southwest. Of course, by far the largest race element after the Caucasian is the Negro with its 8,833,994 people of whom eighty-four and seven-tenths per cent. are in the thirteen States of the South. But it will be found that in those sections where the Indians have existed or still exist in appreciable numbers and come into association with the Caucasian—that is, where they do not still maintain their tribal relations—race distinctions have separated these two races. This is equally true of the Japanese and Chinese in the Pacific States. Most of the discussion will necessarily be of the distinctions between Caucasians and Negroes, but as distinctions applicable to Mongolians and Indians arise, they will be mentioned to show that race consciousness is not confined to any one section or race.
PERIOD COVERED FROM 1865 TO PRESENT
Race distinctions have existed and have been recognized in the law from the beginning of the settlement of the New World, long before the thirteen colonies became free and independent States, or before the Federal Constitution was adopted. The first cargo of Negroes was landed in Virginia in 1619, only twelve years after the founding of Jamestown. In 1630, eleven years later, the Virginia Assembly passed the following resolution:[[2]] “Hugh Davis to be soundly whipped before an assembly of Negroes and others, for abusing himself to the dishonor of God and the shame of Christians, by defiling his body in lying with a Negro.” Many of the Colonies—later States—prohibited intermarriage between Caucasians and Negroes whether the latter were slave or free. The Colonies and States prohibited or limited the movements of free Negroes from one colony or State to another, prescribed special punishment for adultery between white persons and Negroes, forbade persons of color to carry firearms, and in divers other ways restricted the actions of Negroes.
It is not so profitable, however, at this day to study these early distinctions, for the distinctions based on race were then inseparably interwoven with those based on the state of slavery. Thus, it is impossible to say whether a law was passed to regulate a person’s actions because he was a slave or because he was of the Negro race. Moreover, the laws relating to race and slave distinctions prior to 1858 were compiled by John Codman Hurd in his two-volume work entitled “The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States,” published in 1858. Any attempt at a further treatment of the period covered by that work would result only in a digest of a multitude of statutes, most of which have been obsolete for many years. But a greater reason for the futility of a discussion of race distinctions before 1865 is that prior to that date, as it has been so often expressed, the Negro was considered to have no rights which the white man was bound to respect. The Dred Scott decision[[3]] in 1857 virtually held that a slave was not a citizen or capable of becoming one, and this dictum, unnecessary to the decision of the case, did much, says James Bryce,[[4]] “to precipitate the Civil War.” If the Negro could enjoy only licenses, claiming nothing as of right, it is not very valuable to study the distinctions which the master imposed upon him.
The year 1865 marked the beginning of the present era in race relations. It was in that year that the Negro became a free man, and that the Federal Government undertook by successive legislative enactments to secure and guarantee to him all the rights and privileges which the Caucasian race had so long enjoyed as its inalienable heritage.