Louis Napoleon having proposed that Savoy and Nice should be ceded to France, the subject was brought before the Parliament and discussed at length, Garibaldi opposing the project with great zeal in several very animated speeches. The conduct of Napoleon, in 1849, against Rome, may easily account for his feelings on that occasion. He soon withdrew from the chamber, and departed for Caprera, where he remained until a new scene was opened to him in another quarter, where Providence was preparing for him to make that display of his noble character and superior powers, which now has gained him the warmest love, as well as the highest admiration, of the world.
The Sicilians, unable any longer to suppress their discontent under the cruel government of the king, began, in April, 1860, once more to show signs of rebellion. An insurrection was made in Palermo, when the people raised barricades in the streets, and fought the troops with resolution. The combat was very bloody, but the citizens were soon overcome, and most of the insurgents perished at the barricades. Several monks of the convents were seized and imprisoned. Reinforcements had been sent into Sicily. The commercial steamboats had been put into requisition, and the army in Sicily was to be augmented to 30,000 men.
Prince Castilcicala had returned to his post as governor of the island. The panic at Naples on the 6th instant was general, but without consequence. On the evening of the 6th an immense crowd, estimated to number 80,000, blocked up the Rue Tolede at Naples, and raised numerous shouts of "Viva la Constituzione" before the residence of the Papal Nuncio. The street was quickly cleared by the patrols.
Palermo had been placed in a state of siege. The insurgents were said to number 10,000 well armed men.
The insurrection at Messina broke out on Sunday morning, April 11th. The popular movement commenced by shots being fired in the strada Ferdinando. Pieces of furniture were thrown from the windows at the troops.
Count Cavour had telegraphed to Leghorn, ordering two steam frigates to proceed at once toward the coast of Sicily, and shelter all fugitives from political vengeance. The cry at Palermo, as well as at Messina, was for union with the Italian kingdom.
The disturbances increased, and the Sicilians rose in different places, fought bravely, and maintained themselves with great resolution.
Garibaldi was urgently called to their assistance, and was soon in Piedmont collecting men for an expedition. Great enthusiasm was displayed. Many volunteers pressed forward, and considerable numbers of soldiers deserted from the king's army to join their favorite leader. The government and its agents affected not to perceive the movement, and no impediment was thrown in its way. Vessels were prepared at the little port of Cagliari, and the volunteers, collected at convenient points not far distant, marched quietly to the shore, embarked, and sailed in the night of the 6th of May.
As the events which followed this first step in the last grand drama of Italian history are fresh in the minds of all, the following brief review of them, recently published by the Paris "Siècle," may not be out of place here:
"A man, accompanied by a few volunteers, sails from the environs of Genoa in the night of the 6th of May, on board of a vessel which is not even his own property. He goes to liberate several millions of oppressed people, and to overthrow a powerful monarchy; he is stigmatized as a brigand, and all the penalties inflicted on pirates are invoked on his devoted head; the cry is raised that both he and his followers might be hanged from the yard-arms of their vessel. On the 7th of September this man has almost accomplished the task he had undertaken; the monarchy he assailed is de facto overthrown. A nation is delivered. Now, which are the wise counsellors? Those who advise sovereigns to make concessions to the spirit of the age, or the flatterers who promise them a protracted reign, if they will but resist all progress? The answer is easy now. The king of Naples is a fugitive. Another dynasty has fallen, though surrounded by soldiers, and well provided with cannon and gold; another hope of the counter-revolutionists has fallen away. But the men bent on the ruin of princes still persist in giving the same pernicious counsels. 'The King of Naples has fallen,' say they, 'but General de Lamoricière still remains; he will fight, he will; he is ready, and the revolution will be overcome.' Wretched counsellors! They are not yet satisfied with their work; they want more catastrophes. Nevertheless, how easy the dynasty of Naples might have escaped destruction! Warnings were not wanting. Four years ago, during the Conferences of Paris, did not Europe, by the voice of her diplomatists, unanimously declare to the King of Naples that he was courting destruction by his bad government—that he was gathering around him all the elements of revolution? Was he not, in a manner, implored to adopt a different policy? Was he not duly informed of the abyss that lay before him?