It is true, of course, that backstairs propaganda—from American Relief Workers, among others—has been at work to misinform the League; and had reliable information been available, those unfortunate mistakes would never have been made.
Indeed, the honestly impartial head of its own Press department now reports: “We have tested the real value of Greek and Armenian propaganda, and sympathise with the Turk in consequence.” Such repentance comes rather late in the day, but may even yet produce a wiser policy.
It was one of the Fethi Bey’s many humiliating experiences, on his visit to London, to see the harem misjudged by an ex-governess, and to read the assertion of a lady from Boston that “beautiful Greek girls had to disfigure themselves to prevent the Turks from stealing them!” Statements that might have been treated with the contempt they deserve, had they not been accorded such prominence by the Press.
On the other hand, one must acknowledge that the Turk’s attitude towards his detractors is more lofty than practical. Pride forbids him to answer accusations, or disseminate the truth; which he, as a fatalist, firmly believes “must out”! They will, certainly, never hoist the propagandist “on his own petard,” since, to their thinking, the man who accepts money to defend a cause is no better than a “political prostitute.” They argue that “he who works for me, must believe in me, as a true friend, eager to help.” And for the moment, Europe has made them feel that “facts” would avail them nothing—“whatever we do is wrong.”
In the East news spreads with accurate rapidity without the assistance of newspapers; but the foreigner who needs chapter and verse for every statement may be, to some extent, excused for suspecting their obstinate reticence about statistics and exact figures. I should, myself, have welcomed more information about a story I quite believe, but cannot substantiate, that came from an Italian lady at Broussa. She said that the Greeks burnt a Turkish prison, with all the prisoners in it, and, “to her dying day she would never forget their awful screams,” but no one will give me the least idea of how many prisoners were slaughtered. I called on a Vali whose palace was burned to cinders before I had the information. And I could discover no precise details, despite inquiry at Angora, Constantinople, and Lausanne!
The Norwegian head of the Minorities Committee, a man given to wise and just decisions, has said: “It is no use expecting Asiatics to be Europeans. They have as much right to do things in their Asiatic way, as we have to act like Europeans. There are standards of right and wrong, against which neither may transgress, but for the rest, nothing can be done.” He also agreed that to secure protection from a minority, you must enforce loyalty to the majority. I told him the head of the Armenian community had begged the Pope to see that they “were left to the mercy” of the Turks, which is merciful.
The League can really help Christians in Turkey by putting a stop to pro-Christian propaganda, for which Armenians in Anatolia will have to suffer.
There is so much that the League of one’s dream could do for Turkey, as for all the peoples; and we criticise only from hope and desire of some hastening in its approach to perfection, and the establishing of its supreme authority. As Sir Eric Drummond pointed out, the high-handed and retrograde attitude towards Eastern problems would not be possible were Turkey represented on the council: as others have seen, that while the so-called “enemy” peoples are unrepresented, the League cannot be truly either impartial or international.
To secure equal justice for all, it must stand outside, and above, divisions of race, creed or prejudice.
Nevertheless, we hope that Turkey will trust the “imperfect” League. Maybe, after all, in dealing with Mosul, it would grant the plebiscite which Lord Curzon declares is “impossible.”