Report of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations on the Petition of the Honourable Thomas Walpole, Benjamin Franklin, John Sargent, and Samuel Wharton, Esquires, and their Associates / 1772

by Great Britain. Board of Trade

It may be asked, What was intended by the expressions in the representation of 1768, of gradually extending themselves backwards? It is answered, They were only in contradistinction to the proposal of erecting at that time three new governments at Detroit, &c. and thereby exciting, as the representation says, the stream of population to various distant places.—In short, it was, we think, beyond all doubt, the "precise" opinion of the Lords Commissioners in 1768, That the territory, within the boundary line, then negociating, and since completed, would be sufficient at that time—to answer the object of population and consumption; and that, until that territory was fully occupied,—it was not necessary to erect the proposed three new governments "at an expence to this kingdom," in places, as their Lordships observed, "separated by immense tracts of unpeopled desart."—

To conclude our observations on the 6th paragraph, we would just remark,—That we presume we have demonstrated, that the inhabitants of the Middle Colonies cannot be compelled to exchange the soil and climate of these colonies, either for the severe colds of Nova Scotia and Canada, or the unwholesome heats of East and West Florida. Let us next enquire, what would be the effect of confining these inhabitants (if it was practicable) within narrow bounds, and thereby preventing them from exercising their natural inclination of cultivating lands?—and whether such restriction would not force them into manufactures, to rival the Mother Country?—To these questions, the Lords Commissioners have, with much candour, replied in their representation of 1768,—We "admit," said their Lordships, "as an undeniable principle of true policy, that, with a view to prevent manufactures, it is necessary and proper to open an extent of territory for colonization, proportioned to an increase of people, as a large number of inhabitants cooped up in narrow limits, without a sufficiency of land for produce, would be compelled to convert their attention and industry to manufactures."—But their Lordships at the same time observed,—"That the encouragement given to the settlement of the Colonies upon the sea coast, and the effect which such encouragement has had, has already effectually provided for this object."—In what parts of North America this encouragement has thus provided for population, their Lordships have not mentioned. If the establishment of the governments of Quebeck, Nova Scotia, and the Island of St. John's, or East and West Florida, was intended by their Lordships as that effectual provision,—we shall presume to deny the proposition, by asserting, as an undoubted truth,—that although there is at least a million of subjects in the Middle Colonies, none have emigrated from thence, and settled in these new provinces;—and for that reason, and from the very nature of colonization itself, we affirm that none will ever be induced to exchange the healthy, temperate climate of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, for the extreme colds or heats of Canada and Nova Scotia, or East and West Florida:—In short, it is not in the power of Government to give any encouragement, that can compensate for a desertion of friends and neighbours,—dissolution of family connexions, and abandoning a soil and climate infinitely superior to those of Canada, Nova Scotia, or the Floridas.—Will not therefore the inhabitants of the middle provinces, whose population is great beyond example[⁵], and who have already made some advances in manufactures, "by confining them to their present narrow limits," be necessarily compelled to convert their whole attention to that object? How then shall this, in the nature of things, be prevented, except, as the Lords Commissioners have justly remarked, "by opening an extent of territory proportioned to their increase?"—But where shall a territory be found proper for "the colonization of the inhabitants of the Middle Colonies?" We answer,—in the very country, which the Lords Commissioners have said that the inhabitants of these colonies would have liberty to settle in;—a country which his Majesty has purchased from the Six Nations;—one, where several thousands of his subjects are already settled;—and one, where the Lords Commissioners have acknowledged, "a gradual extension might through the medium of a continued population, upon even the same extent of territory, preserve a communication of mutual commercial benefits between its extremest parts and Great Britain."[⁶ ]

VII. This paragraph is introduced, by referring to the extract of a letter from the Commander in chief of his Majesty's forces in North America, laid by the Earl of Hillsborough before the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations;—but as their Lordships have not mentioned either the general's name, or the time when the letter was written, or what occasioned his delivering his opinion upon the subject of colonization in general, in the "remote countries"—we can only conjecture, that General Gage was the writer of the letter, and that it was wrote about the year 1768,—when, the plan of the three new governments was under the consideration of the then Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, and before the lands on the Ohio were bought from, and the boundary line established with the Six Nations.—Indeed, we think it clear, That the General had no other lands, at that time, under his consideration, than what he calls "remote countries," such as the Detroit, Illinois, and the lower parts of the Ohio;—for he speaks of "foreign countries," from which it "would be too far to transport some kind of naval stores," and for the same reason could not, he says, supply the sugar islands "with lumber and provisions." He mentions also, planting colonies at so vast a distance, that the very long transportation [of silk, wine, &c.] must probably make them too dear for any market," and where "the inhabitants could not have any commodities to barter for manufactures, except skins and furs." And what, in our opinion, fully evinces that the general was giving his sentiments upon settlements at Detroit, &c. and not on the territory in question, is, that he says "it will be a question likewise, whether colonization of this kind, could be effected without an Indian war, and fighting for every inch of the ground." Why the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations should encumber their report with the opinion of General Gage, on what he calls the settlement of a "foreign country" that could not be effected without "fighting for every inch of ground," and how their Lordships could apply that case, to the settlement of a territory, purchased by his Majesty near four years ago, and now inhabited by several thousand British subjects, whom the Indians themselves, living on the Northern side of the Ohio [as shall be fully shewn in the course of these observations] have earnestly requested may be immediately governed, we confess we are wholly at a loss to comprehend.

VIII. The eighth paragraph highly extols, not only the accuracy and precision of the foregoing representation of the Lords of Trade in 1768, [which, as has been before observed, expressed, that the inhabitants of the middle colonies would have liberty to settle over the mountains, and on the Ohio], but also the above mentioned letter from the commander in chief in America; and at the same time introduces the sentiments of Mr. Wright, Governor of Georgia, "on the subject of large grants in the interior parts of America."

When this letter was written, what was the occasion of the Governor's writing it,—whether he was then, from his own knowledge, acquainted with the situation of the country over the mountains,—with the disposition of the inhabitants of the middle colonies,—with the capability of the Ohio country, from its soil, climate, or communication with the river Powtomack, &c. to supply this kingdom with silk, flax, hemp, &c.—and whether the principal part of Mr. Wright's estate is on the sea-coast in Georgia,—are facts which we wish had been stated, that it might be known whether Governor Wright's "knowledge and experience in the affairs of colonies ought, as the Lords of Trade mention, to give great weight to his opinion" on the present occasion.

The doctrine insisted on by Governor Wright appears to us reducible to the following propositions:

1st, That if a vast territory be granted to any set of Gentlemen, who really mean to people it,—and actually do so, it must draw and carry out a great number of people from Great Britain.

2d. That they will soon become a kind of separate and independant people; who will set up for themselves,—will soon have manufactures of their own,—will neither take supplies from the mother country, nor the provinces at the back of which they are settled:—That being at such a distance from the seat of government, from courts, magistrates, &c. and out of the control of law and government, they will become a receptacle for offenders, &c.

3d. That the sea-coast should be thick settled with inhabitants, and be well cultivated and improved, &c.

4th. That his ideas are not chimerical; that he knows something of the situation and state of things in America; and, from some little occurrences that have happened, he can very easily figure to himself what may, and, in short, what will certainly happen, if not prevented in time.