"Partly," returned Klindworth, "but it is not on the side of France. Your majesty, I do not belong to those politicians who are always praising up a beloved nationality--for Austria it is highly dangerous--and I belong to the time when the balance of power was maintained by a skilful combination of great and small states; when a bundle of wands cleverly bound together was considered stronger than a clumsy cudgel; yet it is dangerous to slap national feeling in the face, especially now, and henceforth, as it has been raised to fever-heat by 'the great German union,' and similar demagogical watchwords, to which governments always fall dupes. All the South Germans and Bavarians, who are now so full of zeal that they speak, write, and act against Prussia, would, I believe, straightway go over to the enemy's camp, if they heard of an alliance with France. I know what the 'furor Teutonicus' is, your majesty: we used to repress it; now everything is done to kindle it, and if a French alliance is concluded at the present moment, Germany will belong to Prussia."
The emperor listened attentively; his own views appeared to coincide with those of his states-chancellor, and a slight smile played round his lips. This did not escape the quick eyes of Herr Klindworth.
"Besides," he continued, "I consider this alliance prejudicial in the highest degree, on account of the sacrifice which must purchase it."
"Do you consider the possession of Venice so important?" asked the emperor with interest.
"The possession of Venice, in itself, I do not regard as important," said Klindworth, "but a great principle is involved, which I hold to be of the highest importance. If of your own free will you barter Venice for a treaty, your majesty solemnly recognizes all that has been done in Italy against the house of Hapsburg, against legitimacy, and against the church; and not this alone, but also what is about to be done against those pillars on which the strength and power of Austria rest, I mean the robbery of the Patrimony of St. Peter, and the secularizing of the Holy Roman See. It would be the abdication of Austria."
"My own feeling tells me the same," exclaimed the emperor. "But do you believe that if I conquer, I shall be able to check the course of events in Italy; that I shall be able to win back what has been lost?"
"I do believe it," replied Klindworth, firmly.
The emperor was startled by this positive answer.
"If I were the victor in Germany, would Germany make a pilgrimage to Rome?" asked he. "I doubt it."
"That would not be needful," returned Klindworth; "we have often heard 'Italia farà da sè,' well, let us leave the Italians to act:" and he rubbed his hands together with a low laugh.