"And what do you advise me to do, my dear minister?" he asked after a short pause, as he raised himself a little and looked anxiously at Drouyn de Lhuys' calm and open countenance.
"Your Majesty knows my opinion on this subject," he replied, "though I fear you do not share it. A German war must be prevented for the sake of France, for the sake of the peace of Europe. I think I do not deceive myself," he continued, "when I express my conviction that Prussia will emerge from such a war more powerful and more to be dreaded, for I cannot believe in the military success of weak and decaying Austria; and as to the remainder of Germany, it is not worth speaking of, with its isolated little armies without military or political connexion. To permit Prussia to become more powerful--to become the supreme leader in Germany--is completely against the interest of France. Your Majesty must allow me to say that the France of to-day--the France of Napoleon," he added, slightly bowing,--"should, according to my views, pursue the same course of policy towards Prussia and the House of Hohenzollern as Bourbon France formerly pursued towards Austria and the House of Hapsburg. Then Austria's endeavour was the union of the military and political strength of the German nation, and France, wherever she turned, found herself opposed by the House of Hapsburg. Prussia now holds the same place, and continually thwarts our lawful ambition, and if in this war she succeeds in uniting in her own hands the military power of Germany, our plans will all be crossed, and the influence which we justly exercise on the affairs of Europe greatly diminished."
"But if Prussia is beaten?" asked the emperor.
"I do not believe in such a result," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "but grant it is so, what do we gain? Austria, with unbounded power, would place herself at the head of Germany, and the old enmity of the House of Hapsburg, strengthened by the Italian war, would be exercised with new energy to our disadvantage. There is but one policy for France, that is, to uphold the present position in Germany--to nourish, to sharpen the antagonism between Prussia and Austria, but never let it come to a war, to a decision; and to make use of the fear felt for both these powerful rivals in the smaller courts of Germany to extend our own influence. Thus, in an imperceptible way, we shall easily obtain what the Emperor Napoleon I. obtained from the confederacy of the Rhine--the power of using federal Germany against the two great states. I cannot believe there is any other policy for France to pursue with regard to Germany. Prussian or even Austrian Germany must always be our foe, and a very dangerous foe: let us oppose the two great powers, and drive in between them the wedge of the German kingdoms and dukedoms jealous of their sovereignty; then, if we act prudently and carefully, and require nothing to hurt the national feeling, Germany will be completely subservient to our will."
"You think then--?" said the emperor inquiringly.
"That your Majesty must prevent the outbreak of war in Germany with all your energy, or the position of France in Europe will be much imperilled."
The emperor was silent for a time, and tapped with his fingers upon the arm of his chair, then he said:
"Do you believe that I can prevent war; do you believe I am strong enough to force back the half-drawn sword into the scabbard? Yes, if Palmerston still lived," he said, thoughtfully; "with him it would have been possible; but with the England of to-day, who has great words, but deeds no longer!----Do you believe my single voice will be heard? And if I am not heard? Must I not fear that, as in the story of Jason, the two foes about to fall on each other will quickly unite against him who would have thrust himself between them? Bismarck would soon see such a game. Oh! I have let this man become too great!"
Drouyn de Lhuys calmly replied--
"I do not share the fears and difficulties your Majesty has so graciously pointed out. A single word from you would prevent the war. I must impart to your Majesty a conversation I had with Bismarck, the last time I saw him. He explained to me with the greatest openness and freedom from all reserve, the position he desired Prussia should hold in Germany. A war with Austria he declared was an absolute necessity for the historical development of Germany, since Austria would never freely allow Prussia to take the place due to her. 'But though this war is necessary,' said the Prussian minister, 'and though I, and every Prussian government, must regard it as a certain logical event, yet the exact moment in which it must commence depends upon the will and statesmanship of the government. I should certainly not be so foolish as to undertake two great wars at once, and to strike France and Austria at the same time. If you are in earnest in desiring the delay of the outbreak required by the chronic German question, say so plainly and openly. I can wait.' So said Herr von Bismarck. I implore your Majesty," continued Drouyn de Lhuys, "to authorise me to make the declaration he thus invited, and to say plainly that France will not permit a German war, and that in case hostilities commence, her armies will at once start for the frontier."