"I certainly think, your majesty," said Meding, "that the plan of our future operations, though it cannot be definitely drawn up at the present moment, should be framed on larger principles, and founded on a broader basis. As to agitations in Hanover itself, they must be conducted with great prudence, lest we should urge our unhappy country to destruction, from which we should have no power to save her. The point of support appears to me to lie elsewhere. The restoration of your majesty's rights and of the crown of Hanover will only be possible if those principles which are now defeated, namely, the federative unity of Germany, and the self-government and independence of its various races, renew the war, and are victorious. This, however, can only take place if the monarchical principle joins the spirit of progress--the democracy."

"You would restore the king to the throne by democracy?" cried Count Platen.

"His majesty's restoration is only possible," replied Meding, "through the support of the true spirit of pure democracy: not of that democracy that drags everything high and noble down into the filthy mud of the masses, but that democracy which, uniting with the spirit of progress and development now abroad, elevates the people more and more, and excites their sympathy and interest in public affairs. Permit me, your majesty," he continued after a short pause, "to express myself more plainly. Simple legitimacy, however sacred and venerable to me, is no longer a power in public life, it no longer moves the feelings of the people, it no longer influences the politics of the cabinet. Monarchy, if she wishes her rule, so wise, so beneficial, sanctioned by the right of centuries, to endure through the developments of the future, must progress with the living movement around her, must espouse herself to freedom. The foundations of her right must be upon the ancient soil, established upon the granite rock, the growth of centuries; but upon this soil the fruits of freedom must ripen. Thus only can monarchy gain permanence and recognition in the future. This is the case throughout the whole world. But in Germany, in addition to the universal love of freedom, there is the love of individual government, and the desire to preserve the various races distinct. These two principles, both forcible powers, will rise against what has just taken place, as soon as the present development is fully understood. The first result of recent events will be a great diminution of freedom and individual government. If, then, a change in the present state of affairs is ever brought about, it will be caused by the spirit of the German nation revolting against the oppression of forced military centralization. If your majesty would strive successfully, you must make yourself and Hanover the incorporation of the German national principles; you must draw around you all those elements which move the nation's noblest feelings; you must fight against temporal weapons with spiritual weapons. Should a moment come when a storm assails the unfinished edifice of to-day, then must your majesty raise the national banner, and call upon the German people to fight for federative government and for freedom. Though, however, our work must be chiefly mental, it is also needful to prepare for actual war, not by agitations and demonstrations, but by careful organization. The cadres of the army must be formed and ready, the threads that guide the policy of Europe must be carefully watched, that your majesty may choose the right moment for action, and also influence the course of events as much as possible. I am convinced that agitations and demonstrations alone would be objectless and useless, and complete devotion to the policy of any cabinet highly dangerous, for your majesty would never wish to regain your crown through the Emperor of Austria, nor Napoleon III. Perfect independence of action, both mental and material, is needful. We must endeavour to gain the sympathy of all the European cabinets, but we must be dependent on none. In independence alone lies your majesty's hope of success even should certain circumstances arise, not utterly beyond the bounds of possibility, permitting you to conclude a favourable peace with the enemy. Without independence and a firm alliance with the mental needs of the German nation, all your majesty's efforts would be vain, they would compromise your dignity, and," he added, in a low but firm voice, "you would find no organ for them."

There was a moment's silence.

"In one word," continued Meding, "your majesty must undertake the combat with weapons that are sharp and powerful, but at the same time noble and dignified, that even our enemies may respect us; then even should all be in vain, the house of Guelph after the records of a thousand years may have this inscribed in history:--They fell, they did not sink. I have only sketched out the outlines of what I conceive should be the course of our future work. I must, however, state I am ready to recall anything at your majesty's command."

"Such a work would cost a great deal of money," said the crown prince.

"A great deal may be done with moderate means, your royal highness," replied Meding, "as I know by experience; nevertheless, when we play for crowns, we must not narrowly count the stakes."

The king raised his head.

"I quite agree with you, my dear Meding," he said, "that legitimate right should unite with freedom, with real and wholesome freedom; I truly do not fear the influence of the mind, and it shall not fail either my work, or my will. We will speak of these things again, I desire to consider them more closely."

"It would certainly be advantageous to enter into relations with the leaders of the people," said Count Platen, "and Herr Meding might enter into negotiations of a personal nature: your majesty should retain the power of disavowing them if needful."