The policy of Santa Anna, at present, is to act on the defensive, preparatory to taking the offensive. He is now at work at San Luis, in collecting and organizing a powerful army, the most formidable ever yet seen in the republic. He will address himself to the Mexicans, with such appeals as may rouse them to a sense of their danger, and will, perhaps, attempt to lay hold of the immense riches of the church, to sustain the national cause. In the latter, he will probably fail; it is the greater power in Mexico, for power does not centre exclusively in the army, and but a small portion of it in the people, if there can be said to be a people at all. His object is, no doubt, to make himself a dictator, or an absolute despot; and this he cannot accomplish, without, in the first instance, having the support of the church. When sufficiently strong by means of the army, he can then use the church as a part of his machinery. Every thing depends on his success in this war. If he succeeds in repelling the invasion, he will, in all probability, be able to establish his power on a permanent footing of hereditary despotism. To conquer the country, our shortest course is, to deal at once with the church and the great land holders, and make them responsible for their peons; for the proprietors not only own the land, with but few exceptions, but also own the population, just as the Russian noble owns the serfs of his estate.
Since the Mexican revolution, the States and territories north and west of the line from Tampico to Mazatlan, and even the States which I have mentioned, directly west of the great river, have been rapidly returning to their original state of barbarism. Contrary to the usual course of things on this continent, the indian tribes have here been, for years, encroaching on the whites, instead of being encroached upon and driven back. In the States of Durango, Chewawa, Sonora, Sinaloa, and in Lower California, the Apaches and Camanches, are continually laying waste, robbing, plundering, and murdering, and each succeeding year, their ravages are becoming more and more extensive. Under the royal government, posts were established every where, troops were kept up, and the inhabitants protected, by pursuing the marauding parties, the only way in which a country can be protected from savages. But they did not arm the inhabitants, and require them to assist in defending themselves. There was no militia, and consequently, when left to themselves, they are perfectly helpless. There could be no greater blessing to them, than to be placed under the protection of the United States. I repeat, that my object is not to encourage a spirit of conquest. In indulging in these speculations, I endeavor to be guided by the spirit of truth.
Letter 8.
Slight hopes of peace—State of the war—The situation of General Taylor.
January, 1847.
Sir: When Santa Anna declares, that there can be no negotiations for peace until the national territory shall have been evacuated by the troops of the United States, he means by the national territory, from the Rio Grande to the Sabine, as well as those portions of Mexico, which we now hold by invasion. Not a single official declaration on the part of the Mexican Government can be produced, in which any other boundary than the Sabine is even supposed. In the last proclamation of Almonte, this is the only boundary acknowledged by him. As long as this is maintained by Mexico, peace is impossible. The Rio Grande was the boundary of the Province of Texas, under the Spanish Government, and as such, was claimed, both by France and the United States, as part of Louisiana, under the treaty of Ildefonso, when ceded by Spain. It is the boundary claimed by Texas after her separation from Tamaulipas and Coawilla, with which Texas had, for a time, been united, to form a State of the Mexican confederacy; and on separating from that confederacy, she returned to the ancient limits. It is this ancient Texas we claim, and not the Texas arranged in connection with Tamaulipas and Coawilla. But Santa Anna and Almonte now acknowledge no boundary but the Sabine, notwithstanding their treaty with Texas, expressly establishing the Rio Grande.
Persons not reflecting on our present position, as respects our enemy, exclaim, “let us make peace—let us put an end to this unfortunate war”. This supposes, that it is in our power at any moment, to make peace, when, from the very declarations of Mexico, she is unwilling to treat with us, unless we first acknowledge ourselves vanquished, and agree to retire, yielding every thing we have been contending for! One may make war, but it takes TWO or more, to make peace. We may, indeed, fall back on the Rio Grande, and then to the Sabine, thus exposing ourselves to the contempt and derision of the world; and there are well meaning people, who propose this course. But, judging from a knowledge of human nature, it is not difficult to perceive, that the great majority of the people of the United States will never consent to such a degrading submission, even if it were prudent, as a mere matter of interest, which it is plainly not, however it may be recommended by abstract considerations of moral or religious duty, or rather of sickly sentimentality.
Let us consider what are the steps to be taken to bring about negotiations for peace. The olive branch ought to be continually held out to the enemy; and our agents should not be prevented by pride or offended dignity, from renewing at every moment, the offer to treat. It would be magnanimous on our part, and also continue us in the right. Suppose the proposition come from Mexico, what will it be, and how made? It is not probable that commissioners will be sent direct to Washington, or invited from us, to Mexico. A communication may be addressed to our Government declaring a willingness to treat, in all probability, clogged with conditions of the withdrawal of our naval and military forces, and proposing an armistice pending negotiations. To the latter, we cannot accede, without giving decided advantage to the enemy. The evacuation of the country we now hold would not be listened to for a moment; it would at once be yielding all the advantages we have gained at so much cost, as the means of coercing Mexico to treat of peace. The attempt at negotiation may thus fail at various stages, and it may fail entirely; at all events, there will be unavoidable delay. There is nothing before us, at present, but as a vigorous prosecution of the war, and at the same time, preparations on a much larger scale than we have hitherto made.
What is the state of the war at this moment? We have made wonderful progress, if not towards conquest, at least, towards bringing the enemy to terms. But we are obliged to keep up three very extensive lines, without speaking of California and New Mexico. The first, is along the Rio Grande, from Presidio to Matamoras, of seven hundred miles; the next, that from Comargo to Monterey; and the third, from Tampico to the same place, a distance of nearly six hundred. It is absolutely necessary to keep up the two first, in order to furnish supplies for our troops in all their operations; although, since the occupation of Tampico, a portion of these may be obtained from that quarter. But, between the mountains and the river, there is an enemy’s country, which, although thinly inhabited, is capable of interrupting our communications by their rancheros, aided by Mexican troops, and led by Mexican officers, even if they cannot bring a sufficient force at any point, to meet ours in the field. We hear of large bodies of irregular cavalry, which may prove formidable in case the war be prolonged. This kind of force, thus far, appears to have been much overrated, but it may take lessons from us, and improve. Their horses, although small, may be better trained, and their riders, equal to any in the world, may be provided with better arms—the sabre, and pistol, and carbine, instead of the lance and lasso.