The religious aspect of kingship is not very prominent in the Homeric poems. When the armies are gathered together to perform a sacrifice Agamemnon acts as priest (Il. III 271 ff.) with the cooperation of Priam, and Nestor seems to take the chief part in sacrifices at Pylos (Od. III 444 ff.). There is no reason for supposing that such cases are exceptional; as in the North (cf. p. [367]) the king or chief person seems likewise to have acted as priest. We do occasionally hear of priests of sanctuaries, such as Chryseus at the opening of the Iliad; but no mention is made of state-priests or tribal priests. In historical times the case was otherwise. Thus Athens possessed a state-priest known as βασιλεύς. The name of the office itself shows that it was a relic of the kingship which had been gradually stripped of all except its religious duties. Political power here was transferred at first to an official called ὁ ἄρχων, whose origin may have been similar to that of the Frankish maior domus. We may note also that at Sparta, where the institution of kingship was preserved in a modified form, priestly functions were among the chief duties preserved by the kings.

The poems themselves do not make it clear that the religious aspect of kingship amounts to more than priestly position, for such phrases as θεὸς ὣς τίετο δήμῳ are scarcely free from ambiguity. But later authorities give us much more information in this respect. In the first place we may notice certain legends, such as that of the impious king Salmoneus, who aspired to the functions of Zeus—a story which is now thought by many scholars to have arisen from a misunderstanding. More than one of the early Attic kings also seem to have been regarded as at least partly divine[564]. But above all we have to take into account the statement of Clement of Alexandria (Protr. II 38) that the Spartans worshipped a certain Ζεὺς Ἀγαμέμνων, which has led some writers to assume that Agamemnon was originally a god. In all probability the true explanation is furnished by Tzetzes[565], who says that in early times kings regularly bore the name Ζεύς. We have an interesting parallel here to the usage of the ancient Swedes[566], whose kings are said to have been called Yngvi (cf. p. [367]). In both cases we may probably infer that the king was regarded in some sense as the god's representative; possibly he personated him on certain occasions. Yet it must be remembered that this aspect of kingship is not brought forward in the poems[567]. If our sketch of the history of Homeric poetry is correct in its main outlines, we must conclude that the divinity of kings was not a doctrine to which supreme importance was attached in the courts themselves.

National or tribal assemblies are not often mentioned. In Od. VIII 26 ff. Alcinoos addresses the Phaeacians in their assembly (ἀγορή) and declares to them his resolve to assist Odysseus. Again, in II 6 ff. Telemachos calls an assembly in Ithaca. But on this occasion the first speaker, Aigyptios, says that the assembly has not met since the departure of Odysseus, some twenty years before, and further that he wonders who it is who has called them together now. The former statement seems to indicate that such meetings were not held regularly, while the latter at first sight suggests that it was open to anyone to call them, and consequently that they were of a quite informal character—in spite of certain rules of procedure which seem to have been usually followed. But the conditions here are abnormal. The king has disappeared and no one has yet taken his place; Aigyptios is perhaps scarcely prepared to expect that the young Telemachos would summon the assembly. It is true that in Il. I 54 ff. the Achaeans are called together by Achilles, not Agamemnon; but here we have to deal with a confederate army in the field[568], and with a prince who shortly afterwards sets Agamemnon's authority at open defiance. There is scarcely sufficient ground for supposing that a similar course would have been possible at home, when the king was on the spot. Further, it is to be noted that on all the above occasions the notice served is so short that only those in the immediate neighbourhood could attend. On the whole then we are probably justified in doubting whether any definite rules existed as to when the assembly should be called, and indeed whether this body had much in common with the constitutionally regulated assemblies of historical times[569]. It seems rather to be a more or less fortuitous gathering called together on the spot by criers when the king wishes to bring something before the notice of the public[570].

In Od. III 5 ff. we certainly do hear of a great public gathering—indeed we may probably say a national gathering—of a kind which can only have taken place at definitely fixed times. But it is clear that this was essentially a religious festival[571]. Such gatherings may of course have been used for political purposes, as in the North; but we have no information on this subject.

The Achaean 'council of elders' (βουλὴ γερόντων) in the Iliad seems to be a body of quite as informal character as the assembly. On several occasions Agamemnon calls together a small number of princes, namely Nestor, Idomeneus, the two Aiantes, Diomedes and Odysseus, together with his brother Menelaos. This number of course forms only a small proportion of the leading men in the army. Occasionally however we find others summoned, such as Meges and even Thrasymedes and Meriones, who are not the chiefs of contingents. The council of an expeditionary army however is an exceptional case. On the Trojan side we hear of a number of δημογέροντες with Priam (Il. III 146 ff.), seven of whom are named. Three of them are brothers of the king, while others are fathers of the most distinguished Trojan warriors. They are described as eloquent orators, but no account is given of their deliberations. In the Odyssey references to councils are very rare. No mention is made of such a body in Ithaca. In Scheria however Alcinoos has twelve kings under him (VII 390 f.), who clearly form his council and are to be identified with the 'leaders and rulers of the Phaeacians' Φαιήκων ἡγήτορες ἠδὲ μέδοντες who feasted in his hall (VII 98 f., 186; VIII 26, 41, 46 f.), though on Odysseus' arrival they were apparently not all present (VII 189). It may be observed that in the account of the Phaeacian assembly Alcinoos uses the same formula as when he is addressing the princes in his hall: "Hearken, ye leaders and rulers of the Phaeacians." His speech then is directed primarily to the princes—a fact which seems to indicate that council and assembly were not very clearly distinguished. In this connection we may note that in the assemblies of the Iliad, as in those of the ancient Germans, the speaking is almost invariably left to the princes.

So far as the councils of the Iliad are concerned little can be said against the view that Agamemnon calls together from time to time those of the leaders in whom he has most confidence. The same may be true of Alcinoos' council[572]. But on the whole it seems more probable that this is a permanent institution, with definitely fixed numbers and privileges. The 'sceptre-bearing' under-kings are twelve in number, like the councils of so many European peoples in ancient times. The agora where they meet, with its polished stones, is clearly a place specially constructed for such functions and similar apparently to the one described in the trial scene depicted on Achilles' shield (Il. XVIII 497 ff.), where the elders are seated on polished stones 'in a sacred circle.' We are reminded here of the Northern council of the gods—especially as described in Gautreks Saga, cap. 7[573]—and of the 'circle of judgement' (domhringr), which we find at 'chief-places' (i.e. centres of jurisdiction) in Iceland. Possibly too we should refer to the stones used in the election of Scandinavian kings (cf. p. [368]). If we take the evidence as a whole it can hardly be denied that the Phaeacian council does seem to show the characteristics of a primitive communal organisation[574]. But it would be unwise to assume that councils of this type were universal in the Heroic Age.

The actual power possessed by the council, whatever its constitution, does not seem to amount to much. Agamemnon is often ready to take advice from some of his colleagues, especially Nestor; and in Od. VII 167 ff. Alcinoos acts on the suggestion of the old Echeneos. Both these cases may be compared with the story of Genseric (cf. p. [369] f.[575]). But it is clearly as individuals that the councillors have influence. In the Iliad Achilles acts on his own initiative and withdraws from the war in open defiance of Agamemnon. But even in the case of home councils—I mean councils of the kingdoms—we never hear of organised action. In Ithaca, where the king is away, no council seems to exist. Nor is any mention made of a council in the story of Agamemnon's death and Orestes' vengeance. This fact deserves to be remarked all the more because we find apparently just the same phenomenon in Anglo-Saxon poetry, e.g. in Beowulf where the proceedings after Hygelac's death are related. The natural inference to be drawn from the evidence is that the councillors were essentially advisers to the king and that after his death or disappearance their standing was gone. But here again caution is necessary. It is difficult to believe that such a description can be true of a council like that of the Phaeacians, however ready they may seem to follow the king in ordinary circumstances.

The cases of emergency arising out of the misfortunes of Odysseus and Agamemnon bring to our attention another curious feature, again possibly analogous to the conditions described in Beowulf, namely that the king does not seem to appoint a regent in his absence[576]. Odysseus has entrusted his household to Mentor (Od. II 226 f.), and Agamemnon has put his wife in charge of a minstrel (ib. III 267 f.); but nothing is said of the kingdom in either case. Are we to suppose that the queen is the person in authority? Presumably, like Hygd, she has command over the treasury; for (as also perhaps in the North) the treasury seems to be connected with the queen's chamber. If it be objected that the absence of any national control apart from the king's (or queen's) personal authority must have been productive of strife, we have only to refer to the stories to see that dissensions, especially between members of the same family, were by no means of rare occurrence.

With regard to international relations warfare between different kingdoms does not seem to be particularly common. Apart from the siege of Troy we hear incidentally of a number of struggles, such as the two expeditions against Thebes, the war of the Aetolians against the Curetes, and those of the Arcadians and the Epeioi against Pylos, while references to buccaneering exploits are frequent. But on the whole the normal state of relations between the various kingdoms is one of peace.

As in the Teutonic Heroic Age, we hear frequently of marriages between different royal families. Agamemnon's offer of one of his daughters to Achilles is part of his attempt at reconciliation and may be compared with the marriage of Ingeld and Freawaru. Menelaos marries his daughter to Achilles' son. Both these cases show that such marriages were not limited to neighbouring families. So also Penelope the daughter of Icarios (whose home is not stated in the poems) has married the king of Ithaca, while her sister is the wife of Eumelos at Pherai in Thessaly (Od. IV 795 ff.). Such marriages would doubtless do much towards promoting friendly relations between the various royal families. Indeed visits paid by one prince to another seem to be nothing very unusual[577]. Autolycos visits his son-in-law Laertes in Ithaca, and Odysseus later goes to stay with Autolycos in the neighbourhood of Parnassos. Helen recognises several of the Achaean princes from the walls of Troy and remarks (Il. III 232 f.) that Idomeneus had frequently been entertained by Menelaos in her old home.