[584] Teutonic analogies occur, though they are not common. We may instance Bede's account (H. E. IV 12) of what took place after the death of Coenwalh, king of Wessex (about 673): acceperunt subreguli regnum gentis et diuisum inter se tenuerunt annis circiter X, after which deuictis atque amotis subregulis Caedualla suscepit imperium. The Saxon Chronicle certainly gives a different impression; and from Eddius, Vita Wilfridi, cap. 40, it appears that Centwine's authority was recognised at least to some extent. Reference may also be made to Procopius' statement (Goth. II 14) that—early in Justinian's reign—the Heruli slew their king, ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐπενεγκότες ἢ ὅτι ἀβασίλευτοι τὸ λοιπὸν βούλονται εἶναι; but the interregnum was of short duration. Earlier cases may be found among the Cherusci and other peoples of western Germany during the first century—where it is to be noted that Tacitus' principes and regnum correspond to Bede's subreguli and imperium respectively. I cannot help thinking that much confusion has been introduced into early Greek history through failure to distinguish between kingship and lordship.
[585] This is true even of Sparta. We may quote Herodotus' account (VII 104) of Demaratos' speech to Xerxes: ἐλεύθεροι γὰρ ἐόντες (sc. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι) οὐ πάντα ἐλεύθεροί εἰσι· ἔπεστι γάρ σφι δεσπότης νόμος, τὸν ὑποδειμαίνουσι πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ οἱ σοὶ σέ. It is the recognition of this impersonal force—not of course any sense of universal right, but the 'law' of the community—which perhaps most clearly distinguishes post-heroic and pre-heroic society from that of the Heroic Age. The existence of such a force—operating, under religious sanction (cf. p. [366]), as a restraint upon the king's freedom of action—is implied by Tacitus, Germ. 7, 11. But it is a strange misunderstanding which has led several scholars to compare the former of these passages with Beow. 73, where the limitations stated are those of Hrothgar's generosity, not of his power.
CHAPTER XVIII.
RELIGION IN THE HEROIC AGE.
In the course of the Heroic Age many of the Teutonic peoples were converted to Christianity. The change of faith began among the Goths soon after the middle of the fourth century and must have spread very quickly to the Vandals. The Gepidae and Langobardi seem to have followed the example of these peoples in the course of the following century. At the time of Justinian's accession the Heruli were probably the only Teutonic people in eastern central Europe who remained heathen. In the west the Burgundians accepted Christianity apparently about the beginning of the fifth century, and the Franks before its close. The conversion of England took place in the seventh century; that of the Frisians and Old Saxons for the most part in the eighth. The Northern Kingdoms in general were little affected by the change until towards the close of the tenth century, though the first missionary efforts in Denmark and Sweden began before the middle of the ninth. In parts of Sweden the heathen religion lingered on until late in the eleventh century.
In the Nibelungenlied it is clearly recognised, perhaps through scholastic influence, that the multitude assembled at Attila's court included both Christians and heathens; but no such distinction is drawn in the English and Norse poems. In the former all the characters are made to speak as Christians, though they observe heathen rites; in the latter no indication is given that any of the characters were Christians. In point of fact there can be little doubt that most of the persons who figure in the heroic stories were heathens. In all probability such was the case with the earlier Goths, Eormenric and his contemporaries, as well as with all the characters of the Danish cycles. On the other hand the later Goths, Theodric and his contemporaries, were certainly Christians, and so also were the Burgundians, Guthhere and his brothers, as well as Alboin, king of the Langobardi.
With the Christian religion we are not concerned here; for, greatly as it influenced the Teutonic peoples, it was in no sense native. It is to the religion which Christianity displaced that we must give our attention. Unfortunately however the records which have come down to us from the Heroic Age itself are entirely of foreign authorship, and on the whole they give us extremely little information on this subject. We are bound therefore to base our account of Teutonic religion upon the comparatively abundant evidence preserved in Scandinavian literature, though we must not assume that the religion of the Heroic Age possessed the characteristics which we find in the North some five centuries later. When we have given a brief summary of the chief features of this later religion we shall have to discuss in somewhat more detail the small amount of information available for the earlier period. This is rendered all the more necessary by the fact that in works dealing with the subject the religion of the Heroic Age has not generally been distinguished from that of the Germans of Tacitus' time.
Now the feature which will probably strike any one most forcibly from a careful study of Northern religion is an extraordinary discrepancy between the mythical stories contained in the Edda and elsewhere on the one hand and references to actual religious observances on the other. In the former we find the gods grouped together in an organised community, of which Othin is the recognised head. Frigg is his wife, Thor and many of the other gods his sons. Most of the mythical stories deal with Othin's exploits and adventures, and serve to illustrate his power and wisdom. On the other hand the references to religious rites point in quite a different direction. In Iceland, for which our records are most full, there is practically no evidence for the worship of Othin. Thor is by far the most prominent figure, and after him Frey; occasionally also we hear of Niörðr[586]. References to the worship of other supernatural beings, elves and landvættir (genii locorum), are not unfrequent. In notices referring to Norway the evidence is not very different. We do indeed sometimes hear of worship paid to Othin, especially in legendary stories, relating to early times; but in references to what may be called the historical period—the tenth and eleventh centuries—Thor and Frey are distinctly more prominent.
Two explanations have been given of this curious phenomenon. One is that the cult of Othin was introduced into the North at a comparatively late period and that it had not yet obtained a real hold at the time when Iceland was settled. This explanation has no foundation in tradition. Indeed the evidence of the stories points to an entirely opposite conclusion. Moreover it is worth noting that according to Procopius (Goth. II 15) the inhabitants of 'Thule' (i.e. Scandinavia) worshipped 'Ares' more than any other god. Since Othin is essentially a god of war it is natural to suppose that he is the deity meant, rather than the somewhat obscure Týr.