But the really important feature in Homeric theology is that the various deities, whether of local origin or not, are all brought together as members of one community, or rather family, and that as such they are represented as meeting with universal recognition. Indeed, they are not regarded even as peculiar to the Greek race; the Trojans recognise the same divinities, and Poseidon goes to receive sacrifices even from the Ethiopians. A similar, though less important, community is that of the marine deities, one of whom, Thetis, figures prominently in the Iliad.
The spirit in which the gods are treated is in general very similar to what we find in the Edda, and in no way more reverential. Sometimes the treatment is humorous, as in Thrymskviða; sometimes again the deities are represented in a very unfavourable light. For the trick played upon Wodan by Fria in the Langobardic story (cf. p. [115]) we have an interesting parallel in Il. XIV 292-353, where Hera distracts Zeus' attention from the war and coaxes him to sleep. But this is only one of a number of incidents which give a generally unpleasant picture of the domestic life of this pair, much more so than is the case with Othin and Frigg in the Edda. Again, the story of Ares and Aphrodite, which forms the subject of Demodocos' lay (Od. VIII 266-366), is very much what we should expect to find in a poem dealing at length with the scandalous charges brought against the goddesses in Lokasenna. Ares' speech in v. 292 ff.—as also Hermes' remarks in v. 339 ff.—may be compared with those of Frey in Skírnismál. In the Iliad the same two deities are more than once treated contemptuously.
The same spirit is shown in the treatment of the relations of gods with men. It is frequently recognised that deities ought to show gratitude to their worshippers for the sacrifices offered to them, as Freyia does in Hyndlulióð, though at the same time they are at liberty to refuse a petition, as in Il. VI 311—a case which may be compared with Frey's conduct in Víga-Glúms Saga (cf. p. [253]). In the Iliad we find several deities taking an active interest in the fortunes of the war—Poseidon, Hera and Athene on the side of the Achaeans, and Apollo, Ares and Aphrodite on that of the Trojans. Poseidon more than once comes to rouse the Achaeans, when he thinks they are becoming slack. Apollo and Athene interfere in the struggle in a manner which strikes the reader as unfair; indeed the latter is frequently guilty of flagrantly mean and dishonourable conduct towards her opponents. The attitude of the heroes themselves to the gods is quite in keeping with the way in which the latter treat them. Achilles openly abuses Apollo for deceiving him (Il. XXII 15 ff.); and Diomedes attacks and wounds both Ares and Aphrodite, but only after assurances or assistance from Athene. In this respect the Homeric princes are not quite so bold as the hero of Biarkamál (cf. p. [402] f.).
But it is by no means only towards communities that the deities display their favour or hatred. Indeed their attitude towards the contending forces at Troy seems to be largely determined by their relations with certain individuals, especially Helen and Paris. In the Odyssey Poseidon is represented as persecuting Odysseus, one of the Achaean leaders, for many years on account of the injury done by him to Polyphemos. On the other hand both this hero and Diomedes enjoy the special favour of Athene. It is worth noting that Diomedes appears to have inherited this favour from his father (cf. Il. V 800 ff.), and the same may be true in the case of Odysseus (cf. Od. XXIV 367 ff., 517 ff.); at all events it is continued towards his son. In neither of these cases is any hint given of conjugal relations, such as we find in the North; indeed the sexual element seems to be practically absent from Athene. Elsewhere however such relations are clearly involved, e.g. in the cases of Aineias and Achilles, who are the sons of Aphrodite and Thetis respectively. In the Odyssey (V 119 ff.) the principle is stated plainly; and the hero himself has conjugal relations with Circe and Calypso, both of whom are described as goddesses.
Of other mythical beings the genii locorum are perhaps the most prominent. The distinction between them and the class with which we have been dealing is by no means so clearly drawn as in the north of Europe (cf. p. [407] f.). Many of them are even described as gods (θεοί). River gods, such as Spercheios and Axios, are represented as the fathers or ancestors of several heroes. Among other, less important, beings of the same type we may mention the nymphs[618] to whom certain caves and springs were sacred (e.g. Od. XIII 347 ff., XVII 205 ff., 240 ff.).
References to chthonic deities are not very frequent. The Erinyes are mentioned several times, especially in curses; but they are not individualised, though the singular is occasionally used. The most important person in the under-world appears to be the queen, Persephoneia; but she is never actually brought upon the scene. Hades himself is seldom more than a name.
The sacrifices to the gods mentioned in the Homeric poems are as a rule similar to the sacrificial feasts of which we hear in the North.[619] A portion of the victims, usually bulls or rams, was offered to the deity, while the rest was consumed by the worshippers. On the other hand we hear occasionally of victims which were given wholly to the gods. Such appears to have been the case with the victims sacrificed on the occasion of a solemn oath; thus in Il. XIX 267 f. the boar is thrown into the sea[620]. It is perhaps worth noting that both here and in III 276 ff. the oath refers to chthonic deities[621], as well as to Zeus, the Sun and Earth. Victims sacrificed to the dead likewise seem to be offered entire (e.g. Od. XI 44 ff.; Il. XXIII 166 ff.). Moreover it is only in connection with funeral rites that we hear of human sacrifices, namely when Achilles puts to death twelve Trojan youths at the pyre of Patroclos (ib., 175 f.). Horses and dogs are also sacrificed on this occasion, as well as oxen and sheep, and the whole scene is in accordance with Northern custom. No mention is made in the poems of sacrifices such as that of Polyxene, which form so favourite a theme with the dramatists; but in view of the Northern evidence[622] we are entitled to doubt whether they are altogether inventions of later times.
The theology of the Homeric poems received formal recognition in Greece down to the acceptance of Christianity; but there is no evidence that the system as a whole possessed any vital force even in the earliest times of which we have record. From the sixth century onwards poets and philosophers began to regard Zeus as much more than the chief of the gods; but even in popular religion it appears that each state honoured certain deities, while the rest were largely or altogether neglected. Thus at Athens more prominence seems to have been given to Athene, and perhaps also to Poseidon, than to Zeus, while Hera was predominant at Argos and Samos, and Apollo at Delphoi, etc. This is a feature for which the Homeric poems themselves give evidence, as we have seen, and there is no reason whatever for supposing it to be of later growth. Sometimes too we find prominence given to deities, such as Demeter and Dionysos, who seem to be of little consequence in the Homeric poems, while other cults, such as that of Serapis, were introduced from abroad in comparatively late times.
Chthonic deities are more prominent in later literature than in the Homeric poems; and many authors describe the worship paid to them down to a comparatively late period. Yet the rites seem to have been of a primitive character. But perhaps the most striking element in the religion of classical Greece was the worship of 'heroes.' Every city possessed shrines (ἡρῷα), at which sacrifices were offered to heroes with rites similar in general to those used in the worship of chthonic deities. Originally these heroes seem to have been local persons and the shrines their tombs; but characters prominent in heroic poetry sometimes received worship in many different states.