[313] Cf. Lang, Homer and his Age, p. 192 f.
[314] Cf. Reichel, Über homerische Waffen (Abh. d. arch.-epigr. Seminares d. Univ. Wien, Heft XI), p. 79 ff.
[315] Cf. p. [191] and Evans, Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXX 213 f.
[316] Cf. Ridgeway, op. cit. pp. 324 f., 475.
[317] This strap seems to have been used for carrying even comparatively small shields down to a much later period. It is not found apparently in the representations of the Shardina, though they have an arm-strap as well as a handle.
[318] The Shardina on the temple of Medinet Habu and the warriors represented on the Stele hold their spears poised in their right hands, precisely at the same angle. But it is not quite clear to me whether a cast or thrust is intended.
[319] φέρων σάκος ἠΰτε πύργον (Il. XII 219, etc.). There is a reference no doubt to the hero's great stature.
[320] Very recently the history of Greek shields has been treated at length by Dr G. Lippold (Münchener Archäologische Studien, pp. 399-504). This work is largely taken up with a criticism of Reichel's theories, and in the course of the discussion it is pointed out that the latter are in many points insufficiently supported by evidence. Dr Lippold (pp. [406], [474]) seems to have no hesitation in assigning the Warrior Vase and its congeners to the late Mycenean age—he does not distinguish between 'Mycenean' and 'sub-Mycenean'—and he also recognises (p. [461] ff.) that two kinds of shields figure in the Homeric poems. The 'tower' shield however is identified by him with the Dipylon shield, from which he believes the 'Boeotian' shield to be descended. He holds that the round shield was of Oriental origin, since it was used by the Assyrians in the ninth century, and that it was first introduced into Greece towards the end of the Mycenean period; then, after being banished for a while from the Greek mainland by the Dipylon shield, it was re-introduced, in a somewhat modified form, towards the end of the Dipylon (Geometrical) period. The Homeric poems are held to reflect the time of transition when it was re-introduced; but no date appears to be given except that it was before the eighth century (p. [468]). This explanation seems to me to be open to a serious objection, namely that the Homeric shields will then have to reflect a different age from that indicated by the Homeric evidence on the use of the metals; for the latter clearly belongs to the close of the Mycenean—or rather 'sub-Mycenean'—period. So far as I can see, it is only by Dr Mackenzie's equation of the Homeric poems with the Warrior Vase and certain East Cretan graves (cf. p. [185]) that we can obtain a consistent and intelligible sequence. Of course it may very well be that the round shield was banished for a time from the Greek mainland by the Dipylon type. On the other hand the suggestion that the former was of Assyrian origin surely requires evidence earlier than the ninth century; for we find it used by the Shardina, who cannot properly be regarded as Oriental, as far back as the thirteenth century. I have to thank Mr A. B. Cook for calling my attention to Dr Lippold's work.
[321] Cf. Reichel, op. cit. p. 53 f.
[322] Long shields were regularly used during the La Tène period by the Celtic peoples, and also by many of the Teutonic peoples probably much later. But they seem to have been of a totally different type from the Mycenean. In late times they were certainly of great length (cf. Diodorus, V 30, and the figures on the bowl of Gundestrup); but the earliest examples (e.g. the oval shields depicted on the Hallstatt sword-sheath) may really be modifications of the round shield.