πέμπε δέ μιν Λυκίηνδε πόρεν δ' ὅ γε σήματα λυγρὰ,
γράψας ἐν πίνακι πτυκτῷ θυμοφθόρα πολλὰ,
δεῖξαι δ' ἠνώγειν ᾧ πενθερῷ ὄφρ' ἀπόλοιτο.
[343] The analysis of the Odyssey given by Prof. v. Wilamowitz-Möllendorff admittedly postulates a written text (Hom. Untersuch. p. 293). But I cannot assent to the proposition that the Catalogue of Ships in itself must come from a written source. This list scarcely differs in principle from the catalogues of Widsith.
[344] Further indirect evidence, of native origin, is supplied by the word facenstafas (O. Norse feiknstafir) in v. 1018, if the original meaning of this compound was 'harmful runes' (used magically). Cf. also vv. 317, 382, 458, 1753.
[345] It may be added that we really know nothing of the Ionic of Hesiod's time. It is quite uncertain how far it had already developed those characteristics which we find in our texts.
[346] The few exceptional forms such as (τ') οὖλον (Od. XVII 343) may be due to fairly late scribes familiar with (eastern) Ionic texts.
[347] We may note also the absence of the literary Ionic forms κότε, κῶς, etc.
[348] It is true that we do not know exactly when h- was lost. But before that change took place Η cannot have been used for ē; consequently a wholesale μεταγραμματισμός would be involved (doubtless also affecting the representation of ō), just as in the case of Athens.
[349] Cf. Hoffmann, Griech. Dial. III, p. 549 f.; Fick, Neue Jahrbücher, I 504 ff.
[350] Cauer, Delectus Inscr. Graec. 83, 84, 91. We may compare also such epic expressions as ευρυχορο, γαιας απο πατριδος, πολυμελο, κλεϝος απθιτον (ib. 54, 83, 445, 202), and, more particularly, an inscription on a bronze discus from Cephallenia (cf. Cook, Class. Review, XIII 77 f.):