A third comparison can be made with the nearby Uncompahgre Complex (Wormington and Lister, 1956). Similarities to Danger Cave, sites of the Middle Horizon of the Plains and to the Cochise Culture are reflected in the Uncompahgre Complex, as summarized by the authors. Certain forms of projectile points, especially the type called Tabeguache by Hurst, are found in the Taylor Site in levels 4, 8, and 10. Another similar form is the round based, round barbed type (Class II), also found in Ventana Cave. There are certain small points from these levels, possibly arrowheads, which bear resemblance to projectile points of levels 1-3 at the Taylor Site, and forms of Level 2 at Hells Midden.
Generally asymmetrical large ovoid bifaces or knives are common in the Uncompahgre Complex, as they are here. The stemmed drills, straight drills, gravers, and perforators of the general class that we have called awls, are common in both the Uncompahgre and Complex D. There are other similarities in serrated scrapers, and the rarity of end scrapers. A triangular notched pendant found at LoDaisKa is probably analogous to certain flat pieces of soft stone that were used as ornaments on the Plateau. The four-planed manos noted above are also found here. An interesting artifact, the Uncompahgre scraper, was first described by Wormington and Lister in their report. Such pieces also occur at LoDaisKa. Whether they occur elsewhere is not known, since it is possible they were present in other areas but have not been recognized. At the Taylor Site there were storage pits as at LoDaisKa. One notable discrepancy is the lack of awls with heads at sites of the Uncompahgre Complex.
Before closing this discussion, we should take note of a possible broader relationship of Complex D, that is within the continent-wide framework of an Archaic horizon. While we have limited specific correlation to Desert cultures, other similarities do exist in total tool assemblage and specific point types with a number of Eastern Archaic sites, such as Modoc Rock Shelter (Fowler, 1959). Jennings (1957) has admirably summarized the relations of manifestations of the Desert cultures with sites of the Eastern Archaic, and further inquiry should be made in this direction. Perhaps when Archaic sites between LoDaisKa and the Mississippi are discovered, a gradual blending of Eastern Archaic-Desert Culture will be noted. A recent publication for Oklahoma by R. Bell (1958) gives hope in this regard. Since corn was present at Bat Cave (Dick, 1952), a site with certain Chiricahua Cochise affinities, it is not unreasonable to assume corn diffused to LoDaisKa from New Mexico or Arizona.
Cultural Reconstruction
There can be little doubt that the people of Complex D led a life similar to that described by Jennings for the Desert Cultures. The term “Desert” is a little misleading, since the Morrison Biome is not in any sense of the word a desert. However, the vegetation is of the Sonoran type, a type with great variation characterized by fairly low rainfall, scrubby bushes and few trees. The proximity of the mountain forest biome supporting deer and other large animals, probably led the people to greater dependence on these at the expense of small game. This hypothesis is supported by the faunal charts. The multitude of grinding stones, and the presence of edible floral remains attest to the continued importance of gathering. Another factor is present, for floral remains and the pollen record indicate the presence of maize in early times at LoDaisKa. At another site in southwestern New Mexico, Bat Cave (Dick, n.d.) was recorded one of the earliest occurrences of maize in North America. At Bat Cave preservation was better than at LoDaisKa and a more complete record was found. There is a clear resemblance between certain projectile points of Bat Cave (e.g. Datil points) and Chiricahua and Ventana forms, and those of LoDaisKa mentioned above. Perhaps maize was grown by the people of Ventana Cave also. It remains to be seen, however, how much difference the cultivation of small amounts of corn made in social and economic life. We are inclined to agree with Willey and Phillips (1958), who suggest that it was indeed little. In their hunting and gathering activities these people must have lived a life very similar to that of the Ute, outlined above. For theoretical considerations, the light shed on prehistoric life by these primitive cultures of the historic period cannot be overemphasized. The characters are different, but all the evidence suggests that the play was much the same with only minor variations.
Cists from Complex D suggest that seeds and perhaps corn were stored. Fire areas are sometimes large and deep. Perhaps these were traditional cooking areas. The many rocks scattered in the pits suggest that stone boiling or baking was practiced, and flat slabs may have been used for cooking cakes. Food was ground on basin or flat metates with one-hand manos. Lowie (1924) cites ethnological evidence for the use of different kinds of grinding stones for different foods in the Great Basin cultures. Perhaps a similar custom gave rise to the peculiar four-plane and ordinary type manos in equal proportions at LoDaisKa. Hunting methods included the use of the atlatl, or spear-thrower, and possibly, though no evidence is at hand, snares. Perhaps the use of bolas is recorded by the clay ball described above. Long bone awls suggest that basketry was important.
In technology the people had rather well formed projectile points. The flaking technique employed was probably largely percussion supplemented by pressure. In general, tools were smaller than those from other sites that exhibit typological parallels. This could have been partly due to ecologic conditions or perhaps to a scarcity of stone. Wide use of rough quartz and metamorphic rock suggest that the latter factor was operative. Obsidian was obtained through trade or visits to other areas. For sources of obsidian, one must look either to the vulcanism of northern Wyoming, Southwestern Colorado, New Mexico or Utah. Peoples occupying other sites of this time period also appear to have engaged in trade ([see Jennings, 1957; Haury, 1950]).
Bone was widely used for scraping, cutting and piercing. The exact method of cutting bone is not known; but there are gravers and utilized flakes that could have been used.
Ornaments suggest that interest in self adornment was not lacking. Hematite and ochre indicate that there was some use of paints and pigments. A piece of chlorite was found that, if ground and mixed with grease, could have made a spectacular kind of paint. Worked mica again may have had ornamental or ceremonial uses.
In the magico-religious field, one can probably infer some of the religious practices of the Basin hunters and gatherers, from those of the recent Ute. An interesting feature is the occurrence of a rather large, well formed, smokey colored quartz crystal. Perhaps as Haury suggested (1950), such crystals were picked up for beauty, but another possibility is that they were a part of a shaman’s paraphernalia. Certain California and Louisiana Archaic sites contain many of these, and they are assumed to have had some sort of magico-religious function. It would be surprising not to find at least a part time shaman in such a culture, although regalia such as sucking tubes are lacking.