Camp Sterling Price of this city—the largest camp in our Confederate organization—immediately on receipt of your patriotic expressions extending the olive branch to the solid South, in which you rose superior to party limitation, originated a resolution inviting you to become the guest of our camp when on your visit to Texas. This resolution was drawn and introduced by a gallant comrade—who has since passed over the River—and supported with one of the most eloquent and patriotic appeals ever delivered in our Camp’s meeting, but opposed by me, because of your former expressions on the character of Southern people, and particularly, on the Confederate soldier, which forbid such action until you could correct statements so damaging to our character, so degrading in the estimation of our children and in the eyes of the civilized world, thereby reviving and strengthening the unjust prejudice of a large class of Northern people.
These, your expressions referred to, I find in a speech of the Hon. Claud Kitchen of North Carolina, delivered in Congress on the 23rd of April last, as follows:
“Mr. Chairman, your party and your section might have expected great things and good treatment at the hands of Mr. Roosevelt, but we of the South could not. We knew that twenty-five years after Lee surrendered this gentleman, in two of his public volumes, had denounced Jefferson Davis as an Arch traitor, and had declared that until out of the dictionary had been stricken the word ‘Treason’ Jefferson Davis was a traitor. We felt then, and we feel now, that that was a strike across the memory of the idolized dead, at the whole South and the Confederate soldiers. We knew, too, that in one of his volumes—the Life of Benton—perhaps the most widely read work of which he is author, he declared that ‘through the Southern character there ran a streak of coarse and brutal barbarism.’ We could expect little from him. Would I startle this house to remind it that after the passing of nearly forty years from Appomattox, Mr. Roosevelt, President of the United States and of a united people, stood here in the Capital City of our Nation and proclaimed to the world that the Confederate soldier was an anarchist? So surprising was this utterance, so revolting was it, that the Washington Post, a loyal supporter of Mr. Roosevelt’s Administration, was led to observe, editorially: ‘It is disagreeable enough to the Southern people to be officially designated as Rebels, and now to add anarchist is an exasperation which we find it impossible to believe the President really intended.’ These words from the lips of a President, and at the National capital, while yet the grave at Canton was wet with the tears of Southern grief!”
It is needless to say that these expressions were not known to the members of the Confederate Camp who extended you these invitations, but no doubt will become known before you visit the State, and when so known will prove embarrassing to all concerned. This must, and can be avoided, simply by a correction on your part, a withdrawal of your terrible arraignment of the people of the South, and particularly, the Confederate soldier.
Please understand, the organization I have the honor to represent, as Commander of the Fourth Texas Brigade, United Confederate Veterans, which numbers eighty-nine Camps, the Paris Camp among them, and a membership of about five thousand, is especially charged with the preservation of the truth of history, and the protection of the Confederate character. Northern historians are still branding the Confederate soldier a traitor; what will be the effect on the minds of our children, nay, the entire country, to have Confederates paying homage to one who has even gone a step further, and denounced the Confederate soldier as anarchist? Consider, Mr. President, the lofty character of Robert E. Lee; General Robert E. Lee branded an anarchist by the President of this great Nation! The same sense of duty and sublime patriotism that prompted Lee to take up arms in defense of principle and country, prompted every true Confederate soldier in the ranks.
I do not deem it necessary to enter into a further presentation of the unfortunate attitude you occupy toward the people of the South and the Confederate soldier until a correction is made—which it is in your power now to do, and I am persuaded to believe, as a fearless, brave and honorable man you will not hesitate to do, and by this act of simple justice accomplish more towards a complete conciliation of all sections than anything else done.
To impress on you more fully the importance of such action at this most opportune moment, all Texas is stirred up on your contemplated visit and is anxious to honor you, but the Confederate soldier until this correction is made, is barred by his very manhood from participating in a demonstration that should be one of great unanimity. It should be a true and unreserved Texas welcome, which would have the approval of the entire Southern people.
Please understand, there are more Confederate soldiers and their descendants in Texas today than perhaps in any other four Southern States. To give you a better appreciation of what grand result would follow such a course on your part, I enclose herewith for your careful perusal the history of an incident of but a few years ago, wherein the broad-gauged Governor of Indiana and his patriotic Legislature, extended the Olive Branch to our Lone Star State, which was promptly and properly responded to by our own Executive and Legislature, and permit me to assure you, that the salutary effect of this sublime occasion cannot be overestimated in the accomplishment of its grand purpose. In this instance only two States were participants; what would be the effect to have the President of this great Nation extending the Olive Branch to a remnant band now fast passing away, whose gallant soldier record was never equaled in this world’s history?
In conclusion, I will state, although born in a foreign land—in the City of Bremen—I yield to no native born citizen a greater love for, and interest in this country’s future. Reared in the Lone Star State from childhood, under the shadow of the Alamo, Goliad and San Jacinto, and through personal acquaintance with participants of the latter engagement, I had instilled within me a kindred patriotism and love of liberty and country that is stronger today than it has ever been, and which must be my excuse for submitting this communication, which I trust will receive your careful and earnest consideration.
Please have returned to me the Indiana papers at your convenience, as they are highly prized by my children.