[33]. “Il delitto politico e le rivoluzioni,” Turin, Fratelli Bocca, 1890. (A French translation of this work has been published.)
[34]. Archivio di psichiatria, vol. vi., p. 148, 1884.
[36]. The fundamental biogenetic law runs as follows: “The history of the fœtus is a recapitulation of the history of the race, or, in other words, ontogeny is a recapitulation of phylogeny.”—Haeckel, “The Evolution of Man,” Popular English Edition, p. 2.
[37]. For the reason that in such a moral scheme the true social instinct is lacking.
[38]. In his earliest great imaginative work, “The Time Machine,” Mr. H. G. Wells imagines in the distant future of our race such a differentiation into two types; the “Morlocks,” the underground race, who had taken to preying on the above-ground moiety, were the descendants of our present proletarians.—Translator.
[39]. In 1899 he was chosen as municipal councillor by one of the working-class quarters of Turin, and sat for some years. In this position, however, he attracted public attention only by his successful resistance to a proposed large municipal loan for the purpose of building a great electric power station, to be driven by water-power.
[40]. Of parliamentary government he writes (“Delitto politico,” p. 531): “Parliamentary government, which has with justice been stigmatized as the greatest superstition of modern times, offers greater and ever greater obstacles to the introduction of a good method of government, so that, whilst the electors lose sight more and more of the high ideals of the State, some of the elected representatives obtain a freedom from responsibility which tends to the advantage of crime—which may, indeed, make of them occasional criminals, if they have not inherited the criminal nature. For five centuries Italy has fought for the abolition of the privileges of priests, feudal lords, and kings; and now in the name of freedom we endow 500 kinglets with inordinate privileges, and even free them from liability to prosecution for ordinary crime!”
And of universal suffrage he writes: “In the general view, universal suffrage works for the abolition of class distinctions, but in the hands of the corrupt and the uncultured it may be directly subversive of freedom.
“Let us therefore advocate everything that can be for the advantage of the common people, but let us at the same time give these latter only so much power as may be necessary to wring from the upper classes the concessions needful for the good of the commonalty” (“L’uomo delinquente: Cause e rimedii,” 1897, pp. 442, 443).