Congress is an aggregate of selfish units, each fighting for his district. No doubt good influences prevail, but no one class of men, either the extremely good or the extremely bad, has the entire say, for law is the formulated average public opinion of the age and country in which it is made.
It can not be too strongly impressed upon the voters of this country that it is their duty to select good, strong, noble men with high convictions of public duty, and then to keep them in Congress term after term if they desire their district to be represented by anything more than a mere vote. Important places on committees are given men not alone in proportion to intellectual merit, but in proportion to Congressional experience. All men will not become leaders from remaining there a long time, but none will without it.
It is a wonderful thing to note the changes in the House since 1885. At that time John G. Carlisle was Speaker of the House. So fair in his rulings was Mr. Carlisle that one might spend hours in the gallery and be unable to decide which side he favored.
Samuel J. Randall and Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, were the leaders on the Democratic side, and the Mills bill concerning tariff the chief object of legislative interest before the country. Springer, of Illinois, and Breckenridge, of Kentucky; Crisp, of Georgia; Hooker and Allen, of Mississippi, were also among the leaders of the Democracy. Of these some are now out of politics, some are dead, and one disgraced.
Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, was the acknowledged leader of the Republican side, with McKinley, Cutcheon, Burrows, Boutelle, Holman, Butterworth, Henderson, Payne, Morrill, of Kansas, Negley, of Pennsylvania, and Cannon his backers.
It was great fun to see Reed come down the aisle ready to puncture the pet plans of the Democrats. In sharp, keen, extemporaneous, partisan debate he has never been excelled in this country, and possibly never in any other. No man ever appreciated his own power more accurately than he. He charged on few windmills; but when he placed himself in antagonism to a measure, it usually failed to pass, altho the Democrats had a working majority. When he became Speaker of the House, old members assured me, in spite of his name "Czar" Reed, he was not more arbitrary than either Blaine or Randall in the same position. As a presiding officer no man ever put the business of the House through more rapidly or more gracefully. He was a fine parliamentarian, quick in decisions and most able in his rulings.
My note on McKinley in 1885 says: "He can not be considered a leader, for a leader is one who can champion a party measure. This he can not do, as he is not keen in repartee—the opposition walk all over him; nor can he support a new man. He makes two or three well-prepared, eloquent speeches each year; these are usually on the tariff. He is a genial, pleasant gentleman, probably with more personal friends in the entire country than any one man now before the nation."
William C. P. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was considered the most eloquent man for a prepared speech on the Democratic side. But it was the eloquence of a musical voice, graceful gesture, and an abundant use of adjectives, not the eloquence of deep thought. While he was speaking it was hard to believe that it was not the best speech which could possibly be made on that subject. When one read it in the Record he wondered that he had been even interested.
In December, 1889, Mr. Breckenridge lectured in Clearfield, Pennsylvania, to the Teachers' Institute. His subject was "Kentucky's Place in History."
He began by saying: "I was a rebel. I am glad of it. If I had it to do again, I would do the same thing!" Now, think of that before a Northern audience, especially in a mountain county which is always noted for patriotism. If his audience had been petrified they could not more quickly have frozen in their places.