Melanchthon’s Relations with Luther.
In Melanchthon’s mental history, no less than in the external circumstances of his life, stands out prominently, his connection with Luther, of which we have already recounted the beginnings.
The remarkable relations existing between Melanchthon and Luther abound in psychological traits characteristic of both. So intimate were they that others of the party were disposed to see in their friendship the excellent working of the evangelical spirit, the harmony and union of mind of the two most eminent leaders of the new movement.
To Melanchthon Luther’s higher mission was as good as proved (above pp. 322, 355). To Capito he declared: “I am convinced that he carries out his work not merely with prudence but with the best of consciences, since he appears to have been destined by God for this purpose; for never could one man carry so many along with him unless he were animated by the Spirit of God. He has not acted harshly towards any, save some of the sophists, and even had he done so, we must remember that in our times a sharp tongue is needed, since he is the first who has preached the Gospel for a long while. Leave him to the working of his own spirit and resist not the will of God! This matter must not be judged by human standards. The Gospel is proclaimed that it may be an offence to the godless and that the sheep of Israel may return to their God.”[1201]
Thus Melanchthon in 1521. We may compare the promises Luther held out to those who were filled with faith to his own happy expectations of the outcome of his relations with Melanchthon: “There, faith sets to work with joy and charity,” “to serve others and to be helpful to them”; the consoling words of St. Paul (Phil. ii. 1 ff.) were being fulfilled in brotherly unity, “consolation in Christ, comfort of charity, society of the spirit, bowels of commiseration,” and the result would be a “free, willing, happy life”; “when the heart thus hears the voice of Christ, it must be joyful and receive entire consolation.”[1202]
In Melanchthon’s case, however, these promises were not realised in the event; on the contrary, inward disappointment and mental suffering were increasingly to become his portion.
Between 1528 and 1530 he openly admitted that he was burdened with cares and troubles beyond measure, and only consoled himself with the thought that the Day of Judgment must be at the door. He was suffering all the pangs of hell on account of the sights he was forced to witness, and would much rather die than continue to suffer; the state of ecclesiastical affairs caused him unspeakable pain, and not a day passed that he did not long for death.[1203] Complaints such as these are to be found in his correspondence till the very end of his life, so that his most recent Protestant biographer speaks of his letters, more particularly those to Camerarius, as witnessing to the “anxiety, misery and profound mental suffering” which “consumed him”; he also alludes to the “wine trodden out with such bitter pain” which posterity enjoys, thanks to his labours. “Most of these productions [the letters to Camerarius] it is impossible to read without feeling the deepest sympathy.” “Even his severest accuser will assuredly be disarmed when he sees what Melanchthon suffered.”[1204]
At the commencement of the ‘thirties he bewails his “unhappy fate” which had entangled him in religious disputes,[1205] and, seven years later, we have this startling confession: “The cruel dolours of soul which I have endured for three years on end, and the other cares which each day brings, have wasted me to such an extent that I fear I cannot live much longer.”[1206] In the next decade we have another confession to the same effect: “I shall not be sorry to leave this prison (‘ergastulum’) when he [Luther, whom Melanchthon here calls ‘infestus’] throws me over.”[1207]
The various stages of his unhappy life, the outward influences under which he came and many other accompanying circumstances, are now known from various sources.
As early as 1523 and 1524 Melanchthon began to free himself to some extent from the spell cast over him by his domineering friend. He was in the first instance repelled by the coarseness of Luther’s literary style, and also by much which seemed to him exaggerated in his ways, more particularly by his denial of free-will. (Above, p. 346 f.) The sensitive nature of Melanchthon also took offence at certain things in Luther’s private life, and his own observations were confirmed by the sharp eyes of his bosom friend Camerarius (Joachim Kammermeister), who had migrated to Wittenberg in 1522. Their exchange of secret confidences concerning Wittenberg affairs is unmistakable. Melanchthon felt very lonely after the departure of Camerarius and missed the stimulating intellectual intercourse at Wittenberg, which had become a necessity to him. Frequently he complains, even as early as 1524, that he met with no sympathy, and sometimes he does not exclude even Luther. At Wittenberg he felt like a lame cobbler.[1208] “There is no one amongst my comrades and friends whose conversation appeals to me. All the others [Luther is here excepted] have no time for me, or else they belong to the common herd (‘vulgus sunt’).”[1209] Any real friendship was out of the question at the University, since there were no kindred spirits; his intimacies were mere “wolves’ friendships,”[1210] to use an expression of Plato’s. He envies, so he says, those who were surrounded by studious pupils and could devote all their energies to study, far from the turmoil of religious controversy.