Nature and Culture

by Harvey Rice

In these modern times no government which is not just in its administration can long survive without provoking a revolution. It is only as a last resort that revolution becomes an elementary right, and then it must succeed in order to be recognized as a right. Nations succeed each other as naturally as individuals, sooner or later. The interest of all, whether national or individual, is the interest of each. Hence mankind the world over should be regarded as a common brotherhood, entitled to the enjoyment of equal rights and equal justice as the legitimate sequence of their fraternal relationship. And yet neither in ancient nor in modern times do we find a perfect government. It is true, however, that we sometimes speak of our own American Republic as a perfect system of popular government; yet it is nothing more, in fact, than an unsatisfactory experiment. It is a system which grew out of circumstances, and one which changes with circumstances.

It was near the close of the eighteenth century when America began to lose her affectionate regard for her mother England. This change in her affections grew out of the fact that the mother evinced a sincerer love for money than for the welfare of her daughter. Remonstrance, though calmly uttered, proved unavailing. It was then that America for the first time gave indications of possessing a proud puritanic spirit that would not brook oppression. The imposition of the Stamp Act had incurred her displeasure; nor did an invitation to "take tea" restore her to equanimity. Instead of condescending to take so much as a "sip" of that favorite beverage, she had the audacity to commit whole cargoes of it to the voracity of the "ocean wave." This offence provoked England to take an avowed hostile attitude. America, still unawed, proceeded to beat her ploughshares and pruning-hooks into broadswords; war, with all its horrors, ensued. The result was that after a seven-years contest, liberty triumphed, and American independence became an acknowledged fact.

America had statesmen in those days who were men of pluck. When they signed the Declaration of American Independence, and proclaimed it to the civilized world, they took their lives in their hands, and so far as human foresight could determine, were as likely to reach the gallows as to maintain the position they had assumed. But fortune "favored the brave," and instead of ascending the gallows, they ascended the pinnacle of fame, and now take rank among

"The few, the immortal names

That were not born to die."

It will be recollected that our Pilgrim Fathers, on landing at Plymouth Rock, entered into a written compact which contained the germs of a republic,—principles which were expanded in the subsequent articles of colonial confederation, and finally were so developed and enlarged in their sweep and comprehension as to constitute not only the framework, but the life and spirit, of the federal Constitution, which has been accepted as the written will of a free and magnanimous people. In a republic like ours, the popular will, when clearly expressed, commands respect and must be obeyed. There is no alternative, nor should there be. As Americans, we believe in the Constitution, and in the "stars and stripes," and would die, if need be, in their defence. We also believe in ourselves, and in our capacity to take care of ourselves. This great fact is sufficiently illustrated in our past history as a nation.

When her population was but a small fraction of what it now is, America not only compelled England to acknowledge her independence, but also compelled her, in a subsequent war, to acknowledge the doctrine of "free trade and sailors' rights."

Ever intent on enlarging the "area of freedom," America next sent out her armies and took possession of the ancient palaces of the Montezumas, and finally settled differences by accepting the "golden land" of California, nor thought it at the time much of a bargain. And last, not least, she suppressed within her own borders, despite the adverse influences of England, one of the most formidable rebellions the world ever beheld, and succeeded in restoring fraternal harmony throughout the Union.

In the history of the world there have been many forms of human government, which have arisen at successive periods, and which may be classed as the patriarchal, the monarchical, the aristocratic, and the democratic. The last was originally a direct rule of the people, but from necessity and convenience has now become a representative government, chosen by the people, and controlled by their will and action as expressed through the medium of the ballot-box. The doctrine that "the majority must rule" is evidently based on the scriptural idea that in a "multitude of counsellors there is safety;" and yet this is not always true. Minorities are often right, and majorities wrong. What is right and what is wrong, is a matter of opinion, ever changing with the advance of civilization.

Take any form of government you please, and analyze it, and you will find that its vitality and its ability to preserve itself, are based on physical power,—a power to coerce; and when this power fails, the government fails, and either anarchy or revolution is the inevitable consequence. Yet the moral power of a government, though it may not save it, is not less important than its physical power. When both are exercised with no other view than a sincere desire to promote the public welfare, the government is pretty certain of being sustained, and simply for the reason that it is approved by a generous and healthful public sentiment. But let public sentiment become corrupted by the influences of aspiring demagogues, or by men who avow principles in conflict with the public interests, and no government, however pure and just in its inception, can long command respect, or preserve its authority.