“Dear Friend,—I am sorry I was obliged to leave here for New York last Saturday, consequently I did not get your letters till my return last night. They would have been sent on to me, but I was expected to return. I am much obliged for the information you have given me, and the interest you have taken in a matter that affects us all so closely. I have not heard from H. (Hynes), but yesterday I received a note from E. (Egan) urging me strongly to go over, but I did not understand for what purpose till I got your explanation. I should like to go very much if I could spare the time, and if I thought my visit would produce the effect anticipated, but I am afraid it would not. I have no authority to speak for anybody, and no man would undertake to speak for the V.C. without its consent, and which must take time to get; and none of us, even if we had that consent, could give any guarantee for the individuals on the other side, who are hostile, and who, I feel certain, do not represent the opinion of the home organisation. There can be no change there until there is a change of persons, and that is sure to come in time. All I could do would be to tell E. (Egan) and P. (Parnell), on my own responsibility, what I believe would be satisfactory to our friends here, and make propositions that I might have felt morally certain would be approved of; but I would not, on any consideration, have them pay my expenses; that would place me in a false position at once. I have asked advice, and if certain friends here think it the right thing to do, I shall start next Wednesday; but, at present, I do not think I shall be so advised. They seem to misunderstand our dissatisfaction here. It is not their action in Ireland, but the action they allow their friends to take in their name here. There is little difference of opinion about the essential point, but we cannot tolerate the kind of thing begun in Buffalo. Please drop me a line to P.O. box 4,479, New York City, and even if I should go it will reach me. I will write again.—Yours in haste,
“John Devoy.”
Before proceeding to Sullivan and Hynes, I took a trip to Philadelphia, in order to see Dr. Carroll and convey Mr. Parnell’s views to him. With him I found very little sympathy for the proposal. He was as antagonistic to the open movement as possible. As for Davitt, he had lost all faith in him. “When Davitt ceases to be a Revolutionist,” he remarked, “I have no further use for him.” As for any practical alliance between the two forces, his idea was that no two or three people should take upon themselves to decide, but that the whole question should be brought up before the coming Convention. Altogether, Dr. Carroll appeared anything but an enthusiast on Mr. Parnell’s behalf, although in the end he went the length of saying that he was glad to find by Mr. Parnell’s attitude that there was a returning sense of reason on his part. From Philadelphia I journeyed to Chicago, where I saw Alexander Sullivan and William J. Hynes. I dealt with them separately at first, but in the end a conference took place between the three of us. The news I brought them appeared to be a source of gratification. They apparently fully realised the importance of the situation, and determined in the end that one of them at least should go.
I had now completed my part of the work, and so, content with my labours, I returned home, wrote a full account of my proceedings to Mr. Anderson, and turned my attention to my business. I communicated fully with Egan in two lengthy letters, but I did not write Mr. Parnell, for Egan had purposely asked that I should not communicate direct with his chief. As far as any further public action on my part was concerned, I dropped out of the affair at this point. I knew that I should learn everything in time, and I was quite content to wait.
As I had anticipated, I did hear the result, and on no less an authority than that of Sullivan himself. He informed me some time later that the sanction of the executive body of the Clan-na-Gael or V.C. had been given to the bringing about of an “understanding.” Sullivan, however, did not anticipate that it would be all plain sailing. Even then he expected trouble from the members of the home organisation, but he pointed out that their opinion was not that of the organisation in its collective capacity. On one point he was very strong, and that was the getting rid of poor old O’Leary. The old man’s independence of mind and speech was not by any means relished, and so it was determined that he should go. There could be no radical change brought about, Sullivan confessed, while O’Leary was there, and, I might depend upon it, a change of the representative was certain to come very soon. As he talked, Sullivan grew quite enthusiastic over the new move, and he showed me by his manner that he had given the subject a great deal of thought.
“I feel morally certain,” he continued, “that the propositions I will make will be approved of. I for one am opposed to bringing up this matter openly at the coming Convention. I shall most certainly object to Parnell or any of his friends compromising themselves by allowing such a course. The whole matter must be left to the Revolutionary Directory and the F.C.” (Executive Body). [As it will be seen later, this is exactly what happened. There was no public discussion of the proposal in open convention, but matters were satisfactorily arranged in the quiet caucuses of the responsible committees.] Sullivan, continuing, said, “They (that is, the Parnellites) seem to misunderstand our dissatisfaction here. Our quarrel is not with their action in Ireland, but with the action they allow their friends here to take in their name. I know there is but little difference about essential points, but we cannot tolerate the kind of thing begun in Buffalo.”
This reference to Buffalo dealt with some proceedings in connection with the first American Land League Convention of a few weeks previously, which had attracted a good deal of attention and comment at the time. I had no personal knowledge of what took place, owing to the Convention having been held while I was in Europe, but I heard fully of the affair on my return. The whole thing was nothing more or less than an attempt on the part of the clerical element to gain the controlling power in the League Councils, to the exclusion of the Clan-na-Gael influence. Certain speeches had been made and action taken with this view, and although the result had not weakened them, the Clan-na-Gael leaders felt very bitter on the point.
XXXVIII.
The month of August at length arrived, and with it the Great Dynamite Convention of 1881. It was pretty well known that “active” work was to be the order of the day, when the future plans and schemes of the organisation came to be discussed. Nothing was talked of throughout the camps but the utter lack of practical effort which had characterised the past few years; and now, when funds were pretty large, and the organisation itself in a very flourishing condition in every way, it was determined that some outward and visible sign should be given England of its power of doing mischief. The stories which were daily reaching America of the alleged brutalities being practised by the British Government, only served to inflame the blood of the rank and file of the conspirators, and to make them the more eager to force on some exhibition of their strength. The leaders, however, were in no sense behindhand in the way of bloodthirsty sentiment; indeed, as will be seen by what I have already stated about Devoy and others, arrangements had ere this been completed for giving expression to the popular desire.