Of all the schemes indulged in by the dynamite men, none seems to have been more far-fetched than that of the theft of a certain stone from within the walls of Westminster Abbey. This was the famous “Stone of Scone,” which serves as the seat of the Coronation-chair in the Abbey. To an outsider the possession of such a stone as this seems of no importance whatever. Yet, ludicrous as it may appear, the idea of securing it gave rise to great enthusiasm and led to a very generous subscription with this object. According to the originators of the scheme, this “Stone of Destiny” was really the property of Ireland for a thousand years before Christ, and upon it were crowned the Irish kings, for hundreds of years, on the sacred Hill of Tara. Its restoration to the land of its original and only lawful owners, it was contended, would inspire confidence in the course then being pursued, and the people would be strengthened by the well-known tradition “that so long as this stone remained in Ireland, so long would she remain a united nation,” while its loss to the English would work wonders. Elaborate preparations were made for carrying out the scheme. Men were sent from America to work in conjunction with certain Fenians in London, and it was decided that some of the conspirators should secrete themselves in the Abbey, and at night seize the police, remove the stone, and pass it out through a window to others who would be in waiting outside to take it to a place of safety. For months these men waited and waited, but the opportunity never came, for one of the group gave the whole thing away to the police, and the detectives who surrounded the sacred edifice made the seizure impossible. In the end the three principals had to leave the country for fear of arrest, and the whole affair ended in smoke—as usual!

The close of the year 1885 brought the announcement of Mr. Gladstone’s conversion to Home Rule, and the termination of the Dynamite Campaign for the time being. How the political situation was viewed at this period, can best be represented by the following extracts from a secret circular of the Clan-na-Gael, or United Brotherhood, issued two days before Christmas:—

“The operations so far conducted have compelled the enemy to recognise the Constitutional party, and we are now in a fair way to reap the benefits and results of the heroic work of the members of the U.S. (United Brotherhood).... We expect to resume active operations after the present exigencies of the Constitutional party are passed. We have purposely and advisedly abstained from doing anything likely to embarrass them during the crisis of the elections. It is to be hoped that during these operations, members will abstain from making inquiries or discussing the subject in any manner, for we cannot say when we undertake to answer members, but that at the same time we are answering the inquiries of our enemy, furnishing important information, and giving important clues to detect and suppress our work. The mystery of an unknown power striking in the dark, always able to avoid detection, is far more terrible than the damage inflicted. We caution you, therefore, above all things, to be silent; but if compelled to speak, disavow all knowledge, or better still, mislead all inquirers. In the meantime, we wish to impress on you the necessity of mutual forbearance and faith.”

So, for the time, in deference to “the exigencies of the Constitutional party,” the Dynamite Campaign was brought to a close, leaving as its record little or no damage to the enemy, but no less than twenty-five of the unfortunate instruments in prison, sixteen undergoing life sentences, two, sentences of twenty years’ penal servitude, and seven, sentences of seven years each. Of course, some of these prisoners are not men from the American side. In many cases those coming from America picked up colleagues in England, and, unfortunately for these latter, the knowledge which the local police possessed proved disastrous to them.

XLIX.

The secret convention of the Revolutionary organisation—or rather, of the principal section which had remained faithful to Sullivan—met in due course, in August 1886, but as I was not a delegate, I had no personal knowledge of what took place. The spirit of the time, however, was very fairly reflected in some circulars, issued prior to its assembly, from which I take the following extracts:—

“The indications all point to the conclusion that the measure of Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in such a way as to make it unacceptable to those for whom it is intended. We are now preparing for those contingencies, and the estimates for the cost of making a rigorous campaign with ‘delusion’ (dynamite) will absorb more funds than are at present available from the prescribed percentage. The Executive, therefore, in order to meet the great outlay necessary at this crisis, take this occasion to request that, in addition to the usual percentage, each camp at once, by a vote of the camp, send on such additional funds as they may deem proper.... It is suggested that in voting this fund it be credited in forwarding it entirely to ‘delusion’ (dynamite). In the meantime, in the next few months, important operations are likely to take place; you are cautioned to use every device to mislead those engaged in tracing our operations.”

And again:—

“We have some members who are opposed to the active operations of the last few years, and who, therefore, favour a more enlarged representation. It would seem to us that the operations objected to are fully vindicated by the concessions wrung thereby from England. However, we offer no suggestions as to what line of policy you may see fit to pursue. It will be the business of your Convention to frame that policy, and the business of the Executive Body to execute them without regard to individual opinions....

“The silent secret warfare has been productive of results. It would be well, therefore, to instruct your delegates as to your wishes on those points fully and clearly. Having instructed your delegates which of these policies you wish to pursue, the details will not be difficult. It would be well, therefore, to put your instructions to your delegates in one of the following general terms, with such alterations as you deem proper:—