The dismissal of Marbois and the ruin of Ouvrard had no immediate effect on the Florida negotiation. So far from discouraging Armstrong’s hopes, they seemed at first likely to bring about some arbitrary decision, after the Emperor’s well-known style of settling questions in which he had an interest. In the middle of February Armstrong wrote in some alarm to Madison:[265]—
“All the points in controversy between his Catholic Majesty and the United States were submitted on the 14th instant to this Government by the Spanish ambassador, with an order from his Court to solicit the immediate interposition of the Emperor and King. That his Majesty will take upon himself the mediation is not to be questioned; but the form he may think proper to give to it is a point equally doubtful and important. Should this movement on the part of Spain have been spontaneous, growing merely out of her own policy and feelings, there is reason to believe that I may be able to prevent any sudden and unfavorable determination from being taken; but if, on the other hand, it should have been either dictated or invited by this Cabinet, the presumption is strong that the decision is already taken, and will present only the alternative,—submission or hostility. Of the two conjectures, the latter is the more probable.”
For the moment, while Napoleon was struggling with the confusion of his finances, he held Florida in reserve as a resource for extremity. Armstrong was officially or semi-officially told that the Emperor supposed the whole matter of the Spanish-American dispute to be regularly before him by consent of both parties.[266] He had another long interview with his unnamed negotiator, who pressed him to accept Spanish drafts on South America in payment of the claims for Spanish spoliations, and who argued with much obstinacy that Florida was well worth ten million dollars to the United States.
During all this time Armstrong had heard not a word from his Government. While the minister was listening to these whispers of imperial policy at Paris, Madison had but begun to write the long-delayed instructions which were in effect an acceptance of Talleyrand’s proffered terms. The long-delayed “Two-Million Act” received the President’s signature Feb. 13, 1806; but not until March 13 did Madison sign the instructions which contained the project of a convention.[267] This despatch was accompanied by another of March 15, which contained an explanation of the Miranda affair and long complaints of Yrujo’s conduct. The law prohibiting trade with St. Domingo, “although it must be understood to have proceeded ... not from any rightful requisition on the part of France, and still less from a manner of pressing it which might have justly had a contrary tendency,” was enclosed in the despatch, with instructions to sound the French government in the hope of inducing Napoleon to lay aside his objections to the traffic.
The packet sailed at once; and after a voyage of the usual length arrived in France in time to bring the despatches, May 1, to Armstrong’s hands. No apparent change had then taken place in the Emperor’s plans; but during the three months of labor since his return from Austria he had succeeded in restoring order to his finances and was richer than ever before. The Spanish government sent to Paris a certain Señor Izquierdo as special agent to make a financial arrangement with Napoleon; and through him much business was done unknown to the department over which Talleyrand presided. In short the situation had changed, although no one, even among the Emperor’s immediate household, knew what had taken place.
In pursuance of the secret memorandum in Talleyrand’s handwriting, Armstrong, May 1, sent a note to the Foreign Office in the language of his instructions. Talleyrand acted promptly; May 2 he carried Armstrong’s note to Napoleon’s closet.[268] Without discussing the matter the Emperor said: “I have some papers in relation to that business which you have not seen.” The next day these papers were given to him. They consisted in maps and charts of the Floridas, with many arguments to prove their military and naval importance to Spain, and a formal declaration from Don Carlos IV. that on no account would he consent to alienate them either by sale or otherwise.
Talleyrand immediately sent for the American minister and told him what had occurred. Only a few weeks before, with equal appearance of seriousness, Armstrong had been assured that the whole matter was in the Emperor’s hands by the request of the Spanish government. May 3 he was suddenly told that King Charles would on no account consent to alienate Florida. If the first story were true the second must be false. Armstrong hinted as much. “Though I have not seen the overture on paper,” said he, “yet I am not the less assured that it had existence; and if I have not been much deceived, it may at this moment be found in the portfolio of M. Ouvrard.”
“That may be,” replied Talleyrand; “but it is not the less true that circumstances have produced an entire change in the dispositions of Spain.” Then, as though to protect himself from the charge of deception by making a counter-charge against Armstrong, he suddenly hinted that Armstrong’s own conduct had much to do with alarming the pride of Spain.
“Do you know,” said he, “that Mr. Erving has communicated to the Prince of Peace the confidential propositions of which you were made the depositary last summer, and that they were derived from Mr. Bowdoin, as it would appear for the express purpose of being so communicated?”
At this unexpected shock, coming instantly after the other, Armstrong was thunderstruck.