A similar criticism applied to the political situation at New Orleans. Governor Claiborne wanted authority to control the factions in his legislature, and the legislature wanted an impulse sufficiently energetic to overcome its inertia. Probably Jackson’s presence would at any time have given authority to Claiborne and energy to the entire State government. From the moment of his actual arrival, difficulties of this kind seemed to cease. “It is hardly possible,” said the military historian of the campaign,[504] “to form an idea of the change which his arrival produced on the minds of the people.”
When the British expedition was once known to have appeared at the entrance of Lake Borgne, Jackson’s task was perhaps simpler than Winder’s, for Winder might doubt whether the British meant to attack Washington, and in fact General Ross took the decision only at the last moment; but no one could doubt that New Orleans was the object of Pakenham’s expedition. Jackson had only to choose his positions and collect his resources. These were small; but on the other hand the British were opposed by natural difficulties much greater at New Orleans than at Washington. Even their greater numbers were a disadvantage when they were obliged to move in widely separated detachments, in open boats, from a point far distant from their column’s head, and toward a point easily fortified.
If until the moment of the enemy’s appearance Jackson showed no more military capacity than was shown by Winder, his conduct thenceforward offered a contrast the more striking because it proved how Washington might have been saved. Winder lost his head when he saw an enemy. Jackson needed to see his enemy in order to act; he thought rightly only at the moment when he struck. At noon, December 23, New Orleans was in greater danger than Washington on the afternoon of August 23, when the British advanced from the Patuxent. Had Colonel Thornton followed his impulses and marched directly on the city, he must have reached it before a gun could have been fired by the Americans; his own muskets would have given the first news of his arrival. Major-General Keane, his commanding officer, preferred caution,[505] and his delay gave a few hours time for Jackson to show his qualities.
News that a British column had reached the Villeré plantation was brought to Jackson at headquarters in New Orleans, at about half-past one o’clock, much as the news was brought to Winder, August 24, that the British were marching on Bladensburg. The distances were about the same. Winder and Jackson both allowed the enemy to approach within seven miles before anything had been done for defence. In one respect Jackson was more unfortunate than Winder, for his troops were not ready to march; they were not even collected. Jackson sent orders to the different corps, but several hours passed before the men could be brought down and posted between the city and the British.
Fortunately Major Latour, chief-engineer in Military District No. 7, had been sent that morning to examine the approaches from Lake Borgne, and as he rode down the road at noon he met persons flying toward town with news that the British had penetrated through the canal to Villeré’s house. Latour was a trained French engineer, whose services were extremely valuable, not only during the campaign but afterward; for he subsequently wrote a “History of the War in West Florida and Louisiana,” which was far the best military work published in the United States till long after that time, and furnished the only accurate maps and documents of the campaign at New Orleans.[506] On the morning of December 23 Latour approached within rifle-shot of the British force, and judged their number accurately as sixteen or eighteen hundred men.[507] Such exact information, which could not have been gained from any ordinary scout, was invaluable. Latour hastened to headquarters, and reported at two o’clock to Jackson the position and numbers of the enemy. The general, on that information, decided to attack.
For such a purpose Jackson’s resources were ample. Four miles above the city his Tennessee militia were camped,—Carroll’s brigade numbering probably about two thousand effectives, and the remnants of Coffee’s mounted brigade numbering some seven hundred men in the field. The Mississippi and New Orleans volunteers could be reckoned at about seven hundred men,[508] besides three regiments of city militia. The Seventh United States Infantry produced four hundred and sixty-five men in the ranks; the Forty-fourth counted three hundred and thirty-one; while a detachment of artillerists, twenty-two in number, with two six-pound field-pieces, added greatly to the numerical strength of the Infantry.[509] Against Thornton’s force, numbering one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight rank-and-file, or about nineteen hundred men all told, Jackson could oppose about five thousand Infantry with two field-pieces.
Besides these land forces Jackson was provided with another resource. In the river at New Orleans lay a war-schooner, the “Carolina,” rated at fourteen guns, armed with one long twelve-pounder and six twelve-pound carronades on a broadside.[510] A sixteen-gun sloop-of-war, the “Louisiana,” was also at New Orleans, but not ready for immediate use. The “Carolina” could be brought instantly into action, and her broadside of seven twelve-pounders, added to the field-battery of two six-pounders, gave Jackson immense advantage over the British, who had no artillery except two three-pounders and rockets, and whose lines must be enfiladed by the “Carolina’s” fire.
Jackson, aware of his superiority, expected with reason to destroy the British detachment. He did not even think more than half his force necessary for the purpose, but detached the whole of Carroll’s brigade and the three regiments of city militia,—fully twenty-five hundred men,—to guard the town against an apprehended attack from the north. Without giving the reasons which led him to believe that the British could approach on that side without ample warning, his report said,—
“Apprehending a double attack by the way of Chef Menteur, I left General Carroll’s force and the militia of the city posted on the Gentilly road, and at five o’clock P.M. marched to meet the enemy, whom I was resolved to attack in his first position, with Major Hind’s dragoons, General Coffee’s brigade, parts of the Seventh and Forty-fourth regiments, the uniformed companies of militia under the command of Major Plauché, two hundred men of color chiefly from St. Domingo, raised by Colonel Savary and acting under the command of Major Daquin, and a detachment of artillery under the direction of Colonel McRea, with two six-pounders under the command of Lieutenant Spots,—not exceeding in all fifteen hundred.”
More exact returns showed that Jackson carried with him eight hundred and eighty-four regular troops and two field-pieces, five hundred and sixty-three mounted riflemen of Coffee’s brigade, five hundred and fifty-nine Louisiana militia, one hundred and seven Mississippians, and eighteen Choctaw Indians,—in all, twenty-one hundred and thirty-one men and two guns, besides the “Carolina,” which dropped down the river at four o’clock.[511]